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, Mayor of Vienna since 1913, responded to the ‘lies’ of ‘the foreign press’ concerning the condition of Vienna during the war. Weiskirchner had written a pamphlet denouncing rumours that Vienna was seeing high unemployment, a collapse of business activity and food shortages. All of these, he said, were untrue. 21 This statement ran counter to all the evidence that Weiskirchner must have seen every day with his own eyes. Food shortages, unemployment, inflation and other difficulties multiplied, and refugees were an easy scapegoat for everything that was going wrong
, though ‘a remarkable man, and an unconventional dean’, was no dictator (indeed one colleague described him as a ‘gentle soul’) – could achieve little without men and women of ability working with them. 6 But Jowett’s near twenty-year tenure of office, with his political commitments and his close relationship with the city authorities, coincided with Manchester’s last great flourish as a manufacturing city, before the devastating onset of industrial decline and unemployment in the 1970s and 1980s. It
impact of strikes on innocent citizens. 35 Strikes would continue to be a preoccupation for Cathedral clergy throughout the inter-war period, as industrial conflict, poverty, and unemployment worsened. Hewlett Johnson (who succeeded as Dean on McCormick’s death from kidney disease and pneumonia in 1924) appealed on behalf of miners’ families in 1928. He was also involved in attempts at brokering agreement in the General Strike, chairing a meeting convened by C. P. Scott to ask the government to negotiate
unemployment coincided with escalating food price inflation. Violence was extreme, the army was called in and shots were fired. At least four people were left dead, with fifty-two wounded, and 263 arrests were made. The Arbeiter-Zeitung described these events as ‘demonstrations of despair’ and ‘the protests of the despondent.’ It was clear that, however the violence started, the ‘moral originators’ of the problem were the Christian Socials, in their role as administrators of Vienna. 69 Volksblatt für Stadt und Land registered its more bourgeois observations about
similar opinions to meet, share reminiscences and be part of the bigger cause in the struggle between left and right. 5 Schattendorf and a new confidence Extreme social problems caused great suffering, but, although Vienna suffered extremes of unemployment, most of its people had work, however hard, and accommodation, however poor. 6 Cinemas were dotted around the city; sporting events were a popular feature of daily life, from football and ice hockey to horse racing; and radio brought news and entertainment into homes. 7 These all seemed to indicate a society
effects of a banking crash then spread from the United States across western Europe into Vienna, bringing business failures and unemployment. 4 The liberal response was laissez-faire economics: to do nothing. By the time something was done, liberal claims of economic know-how were weakened. Prominent liberals and their supporters also became mired in scandals that involved public money, further damaging liberal reputations. These events were far from decisive in the decline of the liberals, but they undermined their standing. Luckily for them, in the 1870s organised
anger and radicalization – poverty, unemployment and racism – have been ignored or neglected in favour of a management model that seeks a “moderate” version of the religion. The results have been uneven, as the account below will show. Despite the many attempts to find institutional and representative grounds from which a counter discourse about Islam and Muslims may emerge, a lack of dialogue and comprehension between majority and minority persists, most consistently among Muslims in Britain and France. However, the creation of Islamic councils and other
million and two other non-contributory schemes (unemployment assistance, widows and orphans pensions) accounted for almost all of the remainder of the total. Two of the three major components of this social welfare expenditure had been in place when the independent Irish state was created. Between 1906 and 1914 Liberal governments enacted a series of measures to which the beginnings of the United Kingdom’s ‘welfare state’ are usually traced. These included the introduction of old age pensions and (albeit with limited coverage) compulsory unemployment and health
postwar economy, Le Pen was given a marvellous opportunity in the burgeoning resistance to urban immigrants. The conjuncture of recession and unemployment allowed Le Pen to blame immigration for structural problems in the country’s economy. Since the 1980s, the French political right and left have fought over the rightful place of “immigrants” in France. Overall, French policy on immigration has moved steadily right, but this period has also seen the emergence of spokespeople and groups within French minority communities. The Marche des Beurs in 1983 and the rise of the
minority youth, including disproportionately high unemployment, stop-and-frisk policing, media conflation of Muslims with violence and an increase in racial profiling. These world events and local histories, taken together with the ascendancy of conservative political parties in Western Europe beginning in the 1990s, supported a popular turn away from the liberal consensus on immigration towards an anti-immigrant and anti-multiculturalism rhetoric. Despite the fact that, demographically, Europe currently needs more, not less, immigration, in order to offset falling