practitioners and institutions. The reaffirmation by Britpop and the Young British Artists of London’s long-lost credentials as a capital of culture in the aftermath of eighteen years of Conservative rule lends itself to comparison with the unleashing of creative energies in the Spanish capital some fifteen years previously. The discrediting of the Movida combined with Madrid’s unimaginative approach to urban redevelopment, as well as a sentimental post-Orwell attachment, ensured that the Catalan capital was the chief and generally sole Spanish reference point. It is no
estate firms and construction companies that controlled the urban redevelopment. 57 An editorial from a special issue of Cuadernos para el diálogo speaks of how and why the ‘right to the city is a basic social demand, a genuine national priority in our case’. 58 Vallecas was the first major stranglehold of local activism. Annexed to Madrid in 1950, this once autonomous municipality had seen its population quadruple over the course of the decade, from 56,530 to 222,602 in 1960. 59 Many
that the existence of slums like the Gorbals often led outsiders to view Glasgow in a negative light (Damer 1990 ). But the city has reinvented itself as a post-industrial city and cultural destination with some success (Tucker 2008 ), becoming a venue for the National Garden Festival and European Capital of Culture in 1990 (Garcia 2004 ; Mooney 2004 ). And, while it was possible for researchers such as Patrick ( 1973 ) to seek to analyse Glasgow’s gang culture in the 1970s, urban redevelopment and population dispersal and overspill have broken up many of the
forming the committee responsible for the work …37 Burns set out the principles of public relations in so far as they were related to urban redevelopment in the 1960s. It involved the press, building relations with potential client groups, such as prospective council house tenants, providing a plan for consultation, photographs and importantly models of the future development: Throughout all the proceedings, however, if the press are treated as friends in the business of improving the town, rather than enemies of truth or local government and therefore to be avoided at
This book explores the reasons and justifications for the Chinese state’s campaign to erase Uyghur identity, focusing, in particular, on how China’s manipulation of the US-led Global War on Terror (GWOT) has facilitated this cultural genocide. It is the first book to address this issue in depth, and serves as an important rebuttal to Chinese state claims that this campaign is a benign effort to combat an existential extremist threat. While the book suggests that the motivation for this state-led campaign is primarily China’s gradual settler colonization of the Uyghur homeland, the text focuses on the narrative of the Uyghur terrorist threat that has provided international cover and justification for the campaign and has shaped its ‘biopolitical’ nature. It describes how the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was able to successfully implicate Uyghurs in GWOT and, despite a lack of evidence, brand them internationally as a serious terrorist threat within the first year of the war. In recounting these developments, the book offers a critique of existing literature on the Uyghur terrorist threat and questions the extent of this threat to the PRC. Finding no evidence for the existence of such a threat when the Chinese state first declared its existence in 2001, the book argues that a nominal Uyghur militant threat only emerged after over a decade of PRC suppression of Uyghur dissent in the name of counterterrorism, facilitating a ‘self-fulfilling prophecy’ that has served to justify further state repression and ultimately cultural genocide.
This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,” citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing, witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues, as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from emerging scholars and community activists.
agriculture, improving higher education, in supporting the important fishing industry and in securing funds for industrial development. There has also been a good deal of innovation in urban re-development and support for the arts. In under-18 education, a key area given the trouble background of the province, attempts are under way (led by controversial education minister Martin McGuinness) to create more non-sectarian schooling. Little has yet been done, but at least the issue is on the political agenda. Above all, however, the main success of Northern Ireland devolution
race course. The working-class estate was part of the extensive Smith and Worley, Against the grain.indd 64 03/06/2014 16:01:06 1960s activism and the making of the British left 65 post-war urban redevelopment that included council housing programmes financed from government subsidies paid to local authorities. Sue’s parents took part in the working-class migration from the inner cities to suburbs situated in the New Towns that came into existence after 1946.16 Yet the leafy surroundings of the estate failed to disguise her parents’ weekly struggle to make ends
Minister, John Belcher.15 Public housing and urban redevelopment schemes were obvious centres for attention particularly in the 1960s. So, in Wandsworth, the District Auditor in 1968 found that there had been overspending of £447,000 in the building department. On investigation, it was discovered that a council official had received payments from Site Caterers Ltd in 1967 for a major building project in Peckham. The official in question had shown favour to Site Caterers in return for payment and had then falsified accounts by writing off debts.16 Wandsworth was in the
2005, when the plans were made public, it became clear that this new connection would be constructed close to a major urban redevelopment area, the “Islet” (het eilandje), including a huge bridge (De Lange Wapper) over this area, followed by a tunnel under the river Scheldt. Calling for alternative locations for road infrastructure and/or alternative forms of mobility, citizen movements actively contested the plans. Popularizing scientific knowledge and disseminating it among the wider public has been a main strategy in this endeavor. Through awareness