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The liberalism of fear and modus vivendi
Matt Sleat

the value of ordered political life but realise that the political vision recommended by their distinct normative frameworks cannot be achieved’.32 Often, as is the case with Gray and McCabe, this background of disagreement is explained as the inevitable consequence of value pluralism. As a theory of the origin and nature of disagreement, the central tenets of value pluralism are that there are myriad different values, ideals, and ways of life, that these can often conflict, and that when they do there is no common standard or currency against which to judge which

in Liberal realism
Open Access (free)
Some philosophical obstacles and their resolution
David Heyd

our response to beliefs and practices that we hold to be legitimate even though contrary to our own views. Such a concept of tolerance is typical of value pluralism: we refrain from persecuting other religions, from hindering the life plans that look to us wasteful and silly, or from trying to convince people that their aesthetic tastes are cheap, since we recognise them as legitimate even if wrong in our eyes or lacking in value. Pluralism has many versions: there is moral pluralism of the kind Isaiah Berlin (probably on the basis of J. S. Mill’s view) has

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Chantal Mouffe

a way very different to that of the liberal democratic model. My 9780719082542_C06.qxd 8/9/11 15:51 Page 127 Can human rights accommodate pluralism? 127 claim is that a political theory that takes ‘value pluralism’ seriously in all its multiple dimensions needs to make room for the pluralism of cultures, ways of life and political regimes. This means that we should acknowledge not only the possibility of a variety of different approaches to ‘human rights’ but of a variety of forms of democracy. Societies that envisage human dignity in a way that differs

in Religion and rights
Do counter-extremism strategies produce peace?
Kieran Ford

that promotes non-violence, leaving certain violent norms such as the legitimacy of state violence in place. In combination, counter-extremism strategies and practices therefore appear to appropriate these three strands of understanding expressed here: the promotion of hegemonic values, pluralism and tolerance, and non-violent political participation. The question guiding this chapter concerns what kind of peace is being produced through such a mode of countering extremism. The peace and violence of counter-extremism This section will take Britain’s counter

in Encountering extremism
Lynn Dobson

value pluralism. The differences are perhaps narrowest between neutralists who are also liberal egalitarians, and so support that role for political institutions and that complex of policies for which we use the shorthand term ‘welfare state’ (such as Brian Barry),10 and liberal perfectionists who press for the polity’s institutions to actively advance personal autonomy (such as Joseph Raz).11 160 SUPRANATIONAL CITIZENSHIP The good (supranational) polity?12 From the conception of the good compatible with Gewirth’s theory of human rights surveyed in Chapter 8, it is

in Supranational Citizenship
A constructivist realist critique of idealism and conservative realism
Paul Dixon

continue to dog Northern Ireland. Consociationalism’s conservative realism makes the unrealistic assumptions that the people are deferential to their benign political elites and that these elites reach agreement and then simply deliver their ethnic group to any deal. Idealism’s reluctance to accept and value pluralism, its wishful thinking, and its hostility and moralising attitude to politics leaves it ill equipped to explain the politics of the peace process. Realism enjoys considerable advantages over idealism: emphasis on power, acceptance of value pluralism, the

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
Nancy Fraser

form of institutionalised subordination – and thus, a serious violation of justice. This approach offers several important advantages. First, by appealing to a deontological standard it permits one to justify claims for recognition as morally binding under modern conditions of value pluralism.8 Under these conditions, there is no single conception of the good life that is universally shared, nor any that can be established as authoritative. Thus any attempt to justify claims for recognition that appeals to an account of the good life must necessarily be sectarian. No

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Abstract only
Allyn Fives

its value from its contribution to personal autonomy’ (ibid., pp. 408–9). As I said, this is a perfectionist account of positive freedom and of autonomy. Raz’s intention is to provide a ‘moralistic 88 Conceptual and methodological issues ­ octrine of political freedom’, ‘understood as presupposing value-pluralism d and as expressing itself in personal autonomy’ (ibid., p. 367). In addition, for Raz, freedom is related to some notion of what types of life are valuable or worthwhile. While ‘positive freedom is intrinsically valuable because it is an essential

in Evaluating parental power
Catriona McKinnon

.21 This is a claim about the character, rather than the nature, of pluralism. Conflict is endemic . . . pluralists can step back from their personal commitments and appreciate in the abstract the value of other ways of life and their attendant virtues. But this acknowledgement coexists with, and cannot replace, the feelings of rejection and dismissiveness towards what one knows is in itself MCK3 1/10/2003 10:21 AM Page 65 Catriona McKinnon 65 valuable. Tension is an inevitable concomitant of accepting the truth of value pluralism.22 Raz thinks that in

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Abstract only
Trying but failing to renew social democracy
Eunice Goes

or announced a new proposal. When this happened, Labour was not only invisible to voters but was also unable to set the political agenda. These periods of silence also had a demoralising effect on the party. It was usually during these times that rumours about leadership challenges started to emerge. There was also a paradox at the heart of his leadership. Miliband tried to be a deliberative type of leader who led by consensus, who was open to debate, and who valued pluralism, and yet he gave little room for other Labour voices to flourish. His team controlled the

in The Labour Party under Ed Miliband