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Mass graves in post-war Malaysia
Frances Tay

reoccupation of Malaya in September 1945, the British military administration launched investigations to gather evidence to bring war crimes charges, not only against Japanese army personnel but also against civilian collaborators. These took the form of identity parades and public displays of photo line-ups of potential war criminals, the gathering of testimonies and affidavits from survivors and witnesses, as well as several exhumations at known killing sites. The authorities were compelled to proceed with the impending trials quickly, influenced in part by the need to

in Human remains and identification
Open Access (free)
Corpses and mass violence: an inventory of the unthinkable
Élisabeth Anstett
Jean-Marc Dreyfus

marchande de fleurs: autopsie d’un meurtre de masse 1937–1938 (Paris: Tallandier, 2009). C. Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution: The Evolution of Nazi Jewish Policy, September 1939–March 1942 (London: Arrow Books, 2005). A. L. Hinton, Annihilating Difference: The Anthropology of Genocide (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); D. Bloxham, Genocide on Trial: War Crimes Trials and the Formation of Holocaust History and Memory (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003). P. Hazan, Juger la guerre, juger l’histoire: du bon usage des commissions vérité et de la

in Human remains and mass violence
Challenges and technological solutions to the ­identification of individuals in mass grave scenarios in the modern context
Gillian Fowler
Tim Thompson

application of forensic archaeology and anthropology in Colombia’s conflict’, in Ferllini (ed.), Forensic Archaeology and Human Rights Violations, pp. 170–204. Djuric et al., ‘Identification of victims’. Identification of individuals in mass grave scenarios   133 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 D. Komar, ‘Lessons from Srebrenica: the contributions and limitations of physical anthropology in identifying victims of war crimes’, Journal of Forensic Sciences, 48 (2003), 1–4. M. Šlaus, D. Strinović, N. Pećina-Šlaus, H. Brkić, D. Baličević, V

in Human remains and identification
Integrative concepts for a criminology of mass violence
Jon Shute

; ‘hard times’; historic group enmities; modernist objectivity; bureau­cratic rationality; militarist authoritarianism; eliminationist ideology; obedience to authority; group conformity pressures, etc. This section seeks to cut across these diverse literatures to focus on the moral–emotional work carried out in the commission and aftermath of the serious crimes of mass violence. Crimes of mass violence are taken here to include the organized crimes of international law defined in the Rome Statute 27 – genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of

in Human remains and mass violence
The forensic and political lives of secondary mass graves in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Admir Jugo
Sari Wastell

#more (accessed 28 October 2012). International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), ‘Special: exhumations’, ICTY-Bulletin, no. 8, 1996, p. 1. E. Jesse & M. Skinner, ‘A typology of mass grave and mass grave-related sites’, Forensic Science International, 152:1 (2005), 55–9. S. Schmitt, ‘Mass graves and the collection of forensic evidence: genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity’, in Haglund & Sorg (eds), Advances in Forensic Taphonomy, pp. 277–92. 166   Admir Jugo and Sari Wastell 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

in Human remains and identification
Vanya Kovačič

metal was coming out of his skull. I was told that he was hit by a piece of shrapnel from a mortar shell. In both videos, the people recording them mentioned the exact date and the name of the person killed. As Ali’s father reported, they had passed these videos to the media as evidence of war crimes. Other material evidence that participants occasionally showed me included metal bone-fixators that had

in Reconstructing lives
Contested narratives of the independence struggle in postconfl ict Timor-Leste
Henri Myrttinen

UN and civil society organisations, among others, have repeatedly pointed out, the Indonesian government has not lived up to its own national or international obligations to persecute those allegedly responsible for serious crimes, war crimes and crimes against humanity during the occupation. In the interests of maintaining good neighbourly relations with Indonesia, successive Timor-Leste governments have not only stopped short of demanding justice but have at times actively undermined efforts to bring perpetrators to justice.8 The memory of the civilian dead

in Governing the dead
Alexander Korb

the part of the Ustaša, with their attempt to decimate or annihilate minorities in Croatia, HRMV.indb 107 01/09/2014 17:28:38 108  Alexander Korb soon developed into a civil war in which three or more parties were fighting against one another, either supported or opposed by the occupation powers, and in which all parties committed war crimes. This observation relating to violence in the context of the civil war should not be seen as equating the atrocities in qualitative terms, for the Ustaša had access to state infrastructure, and could not only dispatch their

in Human remains and mass violence
Massacres, missing corpses, and silence in a Bosnian community
Max Bergholz

responsible for the massacres would not be held accountable. The absence of any war crimes investigation, and the regular encounters between unpunished perpetrators and ­generally silent survivors were thus central aspects in the creation of the silence.73 How was it possible for such high levels of mass violence, and such brutal treatment of victims and their corpses, to result in post-war silence? First, the particular dynamics of the war, namely, the incorporation of many Serb insurgents, who had previously murdered Muslims and Croats, into the communist-led partisan

in Destruction and human remains
Open Access (free)
Machines of mass incineration in fact, fiction, and forensics
Robert Jan van Pelt

they had imposed. For the next couple of decades the West German justice system operated under a cloud. In 1959 the GDR began to focus on senior politicians and civil servants. The Federal Minister for Expellees, Theodor Oberländer, was forced to resign and was subjected to a show war crime trial in absentia in East Berlin, and the most senior and powerful civil servant in the FRG, Hans Maria Globke, came under attack for having written a lengthy commentary on the Nuremberg Laws of 1935 and for having authored other antiSemitic legislation. Because Globke was

in Destruction and human remains