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Leslie C. Green

Historical background War crimes are violations of the and customs of the law of armed conflict and are punishable whether committed by combatants or civilians, including the nationals of neutral states. 2 Occasionally the term has been used to include acts like espionage 3 or war treason 4

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
Third edition

It has been accepted since antiquity that some restraint should be observed during armed conflict. This book examines the apparent dichotomy and introduces any study of the law of armed conflict by considering the nature and legality of war. The purpose of what is known as the law of armed conflict or, more commonly, the law of war is to reduce the horrors inherent therein to the greatest extent possible, bearing in mind the political purpose for which the war is fought, namely to achieve one's policies over one's enemies. The discussion on the history and sources of the law of armed conflict pays most attention to warfare on land because that is the region for which most agreements have been drawn up, although attention has been accorded to both aerial and naval warfare where it has been considered necessary. Traditionally, international law was divided into the law of war and the law of peace, with no intermediate stage between. Although diplomatic relations between belligerents are normally severed once a conflict has commenced, there remain a number of issues, not all of which are concerned with their inter-belligerent relations, which require them to remain in contact. War crimes are violations of the and customs of the law of armed conflict and are punishable whether committed by combatants or civilians, including the nationals of neutral states. The book also talks about the rights and duties of the Occupying Power, civil defence, branches of international law and prisoners of war.

Timothy Edmunds

interests over the rights or citizens and the rule of law; the criminalisation and corruption of significant elements of the police and intelligence agencies particularly; and a legacy of war crimes and human rights abuses. Since 2000, some progress has been made in addressing these problems, particularly in relation to role re-definition. Nevertheless, serious organisational challenges

in Security sector reform in transforming societies
Timothy Edmunds

implications in the security sector itself, including the militarisation of the police, the maintenance of very large armed forces in proportion to the country’s size and a habit of high spending on security sector budgets. Finally, elements of the Croatian security sector in were implicated in war crimes, leading to the indictment of a number of personnel by the ICTY

in Security sector reform in transforming societies
Memory, justice and post-conflict transition
Patricia Lundy
Mark McGovern

deal with ‘war crimes’ and past human rights abuses. This also gave memory a new social role. The attempt to universalise human rights through international law and a new regime of global governance in this post-Holocaust ‘epoch of trauma’ brought what the French philosopher Paul Ricoeur has called a ‘duty to remember’ to the centre of the stage.10 Post-conflict traumatic memories came to be seen as having ‘exemplary value’ not simply in themselves but when turned into a ‘project . . . directed toward the future’.11 The idea that memory has a future-focused social

in Northern Ireland after the troubles
Abstract only
Philip Hammond

numerous initiatives by the EC, the United States, the UN, Nato and other international actors, including: imposing economic sanctions against Yugoslavia and providing humanitarian aid; deploying UN peacekeepers and establishing ‘safe areas’; mediating in ceasefires and hosting peace conferences; brokering an alliance between the Bosnian Muslim and Croatian governments; setting up a war crimes tribunal

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Abstract only
Robin Wilson

with the invasion of Gaza – committing war crimes, echoed by its enemy Hamas, according to a 575-page report for the United Nations Human Rights Council by a distinguished team led by Justice Richard Goldstone. 7 The displacement on the Palestinian side of the secular (but corrupt) Fatah by the fundamentalist Hamas had been part of the same long-running process of polarisation which had undermined the moderate ‘peace camp

in The Northern Ireland experience of conflict and agreement
Hilary Charlesworth
Christine Chinkin

crimes, 7 it established a Commission of Experts to undertake an independent investigation. 8 Following the report of the Commission, the Security Council requested the UN Secretary-General to submit proposals for the establishment of an ad hoc tribunal for the prosecution of war crimes in the former Yugoslavia. 9 The Secretary-General’s Report was adopted in May

in The boundaries of international law
Naturalisation of stateless Kurds and transitional justice in Syria
Haqqi Bahram

politics while transitional justice requires a look backward to the past to respond to the conflict (Teitel, 2017 ). In fact, it is through these retrospective models that transitional justice can initiate critical responses. In the Syrian case, the limited international judicial arrangement seems to narrowly focus on war crimes and campaigns against

in Statelessness, governance, and the problem of citizenship
Kelly-Kate Pease

, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, including a sitting head of state. Unfortunately, the creation of a lightly armed peacekeeping force, safe havens, and a criminal tribunal still did not curb killings. The notorious 1995 massacre of 7,000 Muslim men and boys in the safe area of Srebrenica by a Serb militia (as Dutch peacekeepers stood aside) finally prompted more decisive action by states on the Security Council. The council endorsed the Dayton Peace Accords and authorized the deployment of a robust 60,000-strong peacekeeping force (under the

in Human rights and humanitarian diplomacy