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Consolidator or threat (2005–2011)?
Eglantine Staunton

not to discuss the definition of the concept, but rather to debate the means to strengthen its implementation and its respect. … France calls on nations, the international community and the United Nations as a whole to meet this challenge so that the world will never again witness such heinous crimes as genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. France will be fully involved in that daily effort. (in UN General Assembly 2009 , 9

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
France and the emergence of the responsibility to protect (2000–2004)
Eglantine Staunton

Protect , the Commission argued that both states and the international community have a responsibility to protect populations from four crimes: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and ethnic cleansing. Three responsibilities were identified: to prevent, to react and to rebuild. It thus concluded that “the principle of non-intervention yields to the international responsibility to protect” (ICISS 2001 , xi). By doing so, the report did not disregard the importance of sovereignty, since this would have sealed the fate of R2P by leading to

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
Eglantine Staunton

explaining that “the widespread, unchecked nature of attacks by ex-Séléka and anti-Balaka militia, as well as by armed civilians associated with them, against civilians on the basis of religion or ethnicity constitute crimes against humanity. If not halted, there is a risk of genocide in this country” ( 2014 , 3). He then added, “we need to uphold our responsibility to protect Central Africans from the risk of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity yesterday” ( 2014 , 4). Through Resolution 2127, which was passed in December 2013, the UN

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
Abstract only
Eglantine Staunton

Security Council resolutions and has been the subject of ten annual reports from the UN secretaries general. 5 Put simply, it means that states have a responsibility to protect their own populations – not just their citizens – from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing, while the international community has a responsibility to assist them and to react in a “timely and decisive manner” if they fail to do so (see Articles 138–139 in UN General Assembly 2005 ). In order to facilitate its

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
Mohammed Sharfi

player in the Darfur conflict, which led in March 2009 to the indictment of President al-Bashir for war crimes by the International Criminal Court (ICC). Various rounds of Darfur peace negotiations were held in Qatar until the completion of the Doha peace document, and Qatar donated $2 billion for the development of the Darfur region. 10 Autonomous Qatari foreign policy that emerged in the wake of Arab Spring was oriented towards the support of Muslim Brotherhood movements and governments, including the NSR. ‘In many

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa
Filippa Sofia Braarud

, 5 August 1980; Platzoder, 1987 : 302; emphasis added) This statement, pushing for the title of CHM to fall under the jus cogens category, alongside the prohibition of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, demonstrates the importance these states attributed to the CHM at the time. Although many states supported

in The Sea and International Relations
Abstract only
Managing an AI future
James Johnson

UN, and prominent commercial and national leaders, to discuss and promote such norms (e.g. clarifying red-lines and rules to enable restraint and tacit bargaining in the digital domain) remains of critical importance. 52 Important questions need to be considered: if a machine (e.g. a drone swarm or automatic target recognition system) violates IHL and commits a war crime, for example, who will be held responsible? Is it the systems operator or designer, the civilian authority who gave the order, or the commander who

in Artificial intelligence and the future of warfare
Cinema, news media and perception management of the Gaza conflicts
Shohini Chaudhuri

Israel’s violence as excessive, even to call it a ‘war crime’, but not to question the Israeli narrative that it is responding to Hamas rockets and acting in self-defence. It endorses the aggressor, which merely has to moderate its ‘response’. As Nimer Sultany argues, ‘International law does not prevent the powerful from crushing the weak, if it is done legally, that is’. 47

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

uprising were familiar. Rwanda and Uganda denied any involvement, while UN and Human Rights Watch reports argued the opposite (Human Rights Watch 2012; Rwandan Foreign Affairs Ministry 2012; UN Group of Experts 2012a). The DRC Government entered into discussions with Angola to secure support in case of a full-on invasion by these governments (Radio Okapi 2009). Up to 650,000 people were displaced, war crimes were reported and Kabila called on the population to attend to the ‘obligation to resist the imposition of war [and] for everyone to participate in the defence of

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Twentieth-century Germany in the debates of Anglo-American international lawyers and transitional justice experts
Annette Weinke

, lost or untold histories of war crimes tribunals that occurred beyond the shores of the transatlantic world. 4 In the following chapter, I would like to address why and how twentieth-century Germany became something like a model case and a cautionary tale for international humanitarian law. By discussing selected writings and debates of Anglo-American international lawyers and TJ experts, it will be argued that international humanitarian law was construed discursively by means of a dualistic narrative that distinguished – either synchronically or chronologically

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks