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Chapter 5 White feminism as war machine On 21 January 2017 more than 5 million women and people of other genders took to the streets in US cities. It was the day after President Trump’s inauguration. His candidacy for the presidency had put sexism and sexual violence centre stage, prompting seventeen allegations of harassment and/or assault. These arose after the leak of a 2005 recording in which Trump bragged about being able to ‘do anything’ to women. ‘When you’re a star’, he said, ‘they let you do it. You can do anything. Grab ’em by the pussy.’ One of the
What violence can we do, in the name of fighting sexual violence? This book presents a critique of #MeToo and similar Anglo-American campaigns. These campaigns are dominated by self-described ‘nasty women’, who refuse to be silent and compliant and who name and shame perpetrators in the media. These women also tend to be privileged and white. The book argues that mainstream feminism filters righteous anger about gender inequality through race and class supremacy. This turns ‘me, too’ into ‘me, not you’: an exclusive focus on white women’s pain and protection, and a desire for power and control sated through criminal punishment or institutional discipline. Punitive systems tend to disproportionately target marginalised people, who become collateral damage of the white feminist ‘war machine’. It is also a short step from sacrificing marginalised people to seeing them as enemies, which happens in campaigns against the sex industry and transgender inclusion. In this reactionary feminism, ‘me, not you’ refers to hoarding resources, policing borders and shutting doors. The book concludes that to tackle these dynamics white feminists need to reach towards a more intersectional, connected and abolition-focused politics, taking their lead from feminists of colour and other marginalised people.
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism.
Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence.
Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles.
This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
professionals and the bombers themselves. The knowledge that our own actions play a role in provoking terrorist violence is refused, so that the game of terror and counterterror may continue. Furthermore, the knowledge that military intervention and airstrikes never succeed in resolving militant struggles is also deliberately forgotten. Instead, the war machine displays a repeated compulsion to adopt airstrikes
roads, railways, schools, sewerage and hospitals were built, it is unlikely that either Taiwan’s post-war economic miracle and the new belief circles that emerged from it, could have proceeded at such a rapid pace without these Japanese contributions. The ‘Japanisation Movement’ that emerged in the late 1930s sought to transform the residents of Taiwan into Japanese citizens, and many local residents adopted Japanese names, while in return Taiwan produced food supplies to support Japan’s war machine. Due to the thirty-eight years of martial law under the KMT which
enemy. This politics also creates risks of violence: for instance, for sex workers dealing with the effects of 107 PHIPPS 9781526147172 PRINT.indd 107 14/01/2020 13:18 Me, not you criminalisation, and trans women made to use men’s bathrooms or incarcerated in men’s prisons. Melissa Gira Grant has called this feminism’s own ‘war on women’, where some women are subjected to poverty, violence and prison in the name of defending other women’s rights.36 In the next two chapters, I will examine this ‘war machine’ of white feminism in more detail. 108 PHIPPS
writes, when it is in fact ‘willing transphobia’.1 Similar strategies underpin feminist campaigns against the sex industry, which set themselves against the fictional ‘pimp lobby’. It is not surprising that the majority of transexclusionary and anti-sex-work feminists are white. This reactionary feminism accelerates the white feminist ‘war machine’, using the media and social media outrage economy to maximum effect. Although its numbers are small, this movement is tightly networked and highly organised. Its tactics are similar to the notorious harassment campaign
the Market and the masses. The rough beast is amongst us now. We are assimilated and possessed by it. World War III is a post-national, which is to say it is a pre-modern, war. The war machines of a global plutocracy, banks and hedge funds, are laying siege to democratic, republican and federal states: debauching currencies by junking sovereign bonds; raising interest rates; cutting off cash flows; forcing austerity measures that make democratic legitimation of government increasingly impossible; forcing states to empty their mundus and to sell off public assets to
activists scaled the 148 shinners, dissos and dissenters Mansion House to protest against the Good Friday Agreement, éirígí chairperson, Brian Leeson said: this country, far from being free, remains occupied by the same British forces that occupied it at the time of the First Dáil. Ninety years on from that historic gathering, no amount of weasel-words can deny the fact that Britain’s war machine is still less than one hundred kilometres from the Mansion House, very much entrenched on Irish soil.19 Anti-Nama protests, which included the occupation of the Anglo Irish
contemporary high-Jacobite intrigue. Mar’s correspondence intimated that both England and Ireland would provide much-needed finances to support the continental-based Jacobite war machine. Lieutenant-General Dillon informed King James on 25 May 1717 that Kelly had arrived back from Ireland ‘with several letters for Ormonde and D. 17 [Dillon?]’ and the promise of ‘a pretty good succour in money from thence’.86 This clandestine intercourse continued throughout this period, sustaining ongoing traffic and reinforcing ideological homogeneity between Ireland and her exiled Jacobite