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Alistair Cole

soundly defeated in the second round of the 2012 presidential election. But in terms of conquering a party organisation, there appeared to be little doubt. The memory was of Sarkozy as a killer, a bulldozer who would sweep aside all opposition; as the all-conquering former minister who had captured the UMP in 2004 – against opposition from President Chirac – and transformed it into a war machine that swept him to power in the 2007 presidential election; as the comeback kid, who returned from a brief period of crossing the desert (2012–14) and swept aside all challengers

in Emmanuel Macron and the two years that changed France
Daniel Szechi

holding on to western Ireland for a good while longer. The relative efficiency of the Williamite war machine, however, set the military balance against them. Godert de Ginkel, Baron von Ginkel, who now commanded the Williamite forces, was a stolid and orthodox soldier. St Ruhe and Sarsfield had genuine flair. Yet they proved unable to do more than delay Ginkel’s steady advance. 50 In desperation St Ruhe risked everything on a roll of the dice, and at the battle of Aughrim in July 1691 lost the game and was killed in action. Ginkel won a hard-fought victory, then

in The Jacobites (second edition)
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

World War II, personified political evil. The atrocities of his war machine have represented an image of naked power politics. The Nazi ideology, with its mix of biology and politics and its lack of any universal notions of ethics, has become a representation of ideas and theories that are barbaric and beyond the pale of acceptable political discourse. After World War II the study of International Relations has been affected by two fearful memories from World War II: one is the Nazi death camps; the other is the atomic bombs over Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Both

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

years. Soldiers from the Triple Entente and the Triple Alliance would shell each other unceasingly in an unprecedented exercise of mutual exhaustion. At the fronts, there would be a bloodbath which had scarcely seen its equal. It would cost nearly ten million soldiers their lives (Strachan 2011). 2 The trench warfare of the western front provided the most potent image of the war: machine guns and automatic rifles would shoot at everything that moved above ground. This made the spade a defensive tool, because it allowed the soldiers to save their lives by

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
Silvia Salvatici

initiative would end up supporting the war machine. This remained a minority position but it gathered up one of the dilemmas of aid work in wartime – it could be developed only by being fully set up as an essential component of warfare. In the French territories devastated by the armed conflict with the Germans, the volunteers marked out by the red and black star carried out their work with different methods from those of their Red Cross colleagues. The distribution of aid was not done directly by the staff from Britain but was entrusted to local committees. Their

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
Regina Lee Blaszczyk

Beckett went to work at Netherfield Mill after moving from Staffordshire to Yorkshire. ‘In those days, there were loads of mills’, he recalled. ‘You could get a job anywhere.’ At age eighteen, Brian started in the weaving shed, which was under the general oversight of Albert Holmes, now production manager, and the direct supervision of weaving manager Arthur Leach. The shed was outfitted with 124 power looms, including pre-war machines made by George Hodgson in Bradford and postwar equipment by George Hattersley & Sons in Keighley. There was no formal apprenticeship

in Fashionability