progress, the more we increase our chances for collective annihilation. Indeed, despite the potential human benefits of technological advancement, the triumph of the technical over the poetic in political affairs undermines the role of human creativity. How many critical theorists still have to affirm the importance of arts and humanities to the promotion of peace? Theory and science are not objective: we produce the technologies we desire, which are over-coded with all manner of assumptions and prejudices. So, as the technological mind continues to produce warmachines
’, p. 1.
E. Kohlman, Al-Qaida’s Jihad in Europe: The Afghan-Bosnian Network (Oxford:
M. Duffield, ‘War as a Network Enterprise: The New Security Terrain and its
Implications’, Cultural Values, Vol. 6, No. 1–2 (2002), p. 153.
For the former on networked war, see J. Arquilla and D. Rondfeldt, ‘Cyberwar
is Coming!’, Journal of Comparative Strategy, Vol. 12, No. 2 (1993), pp. 141–165
and for the latter on nomadism, see J. Reid, ‘Deleuze’s WarMachine: Nomadism
Against the State’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, Vol. 32, No. 1
(2003), pp. 57
Bosnia, the international community had organised a series of embargoes
and economic sanctions in an attempt to force the Milosević administration
to the negotiating table. As the Kosovo Commission notes, by the late 1990s
‘the Milosevic warmachine has relied on the “mafiazation” of the economy
to get around the sanctions. Likewise, the division of labour between the
army as an institution and the paramilitary forces had facilitated both ethnic
cleansing and organized crime.’28
Following the Dayton Peace Accords which ended the fighting in Bosnia,
taxes to finance their warmachines. But
Britain’s attempt to tax the American colonies and that of France to tax
its own subjects without granting some political representation, induced
rebellion. In the subsequent crises either side of the Atlantic different
aspects of a new kind of political entity first took their shape. On the
western side, the new state that was designed in 1787 was a self-conscious
attempt to create a representative republic over a large territory on new
federalist principles. On the eastern side, in 1789, came the argument,
of 2013–14. In hindsight, the dissolution
of Yugoslavia served as a dress rehearsal for later events in Ukraine, with Serbia in the
role of Russia and Kosovo’s KLA the prototype of the Ukrainian ultra-nationalists and
fascists who seized power in February 2014.67 NATO enlargement also exposed the EU
directly to the consequences of any American confrontation policy towards Moscow.
Its reliance on Russian gas and the potential of extensive economic and cultural interdependence were now effectively made hostage to the interests of the US warmachine.
achieve this, it was essential that the choice be
realised: it was either ‘subjection to the Nazi warmachine or a voluntary
participation in new forms of international co-operation’. The political
corollary of this combined a need to prevent Germany ever repeating its
actions of 1914 and 1939 either by a partition of Germany or by creating ‘a
permanent alliance between the western powers [i.e. Britain and France] and
either Russia or the U.S.A.’.7 This awareness of the necessity of combined
political European and global economic solutions chimed increasingly well
of other writers.
There have been some excellent studies of the relationship between war and
scientific thinking about it during this century. One such study can be found in
Daniel Pick, The WarMachine: The Rationalization of Slaughter in the Modern
Age (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1993), especially Chapters 12–15. See
also Coker, War in the Twentieth Century.
See, for example, Karl Leibknecht, Militarism and Anti-Militarism (Cambridge,
Rivers Press, 1973, first published 1907).
Lowes Dickinson, The Choice Before Us, p. vi.
Maurice Hankey, Diplomacy by
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
resource revenue allowed both sides to
continually re-arm and re-equip their forces. The long-running conflict
in the eastern DRC is similarly prolonged by the ability of the combatants to continually fund their warmachines with resource revenue, as
well as by neighboring countries seeking to manipulate the ongoing
chaos to exploit the region’s vast natural resource wealth for their own
economic gain. The end result is the same. The duration and intensify
of African conflicts is increased, with countries and even entire regions
plunged into long-term instability that
Evidence for supportive coverage and the elite-driven model
Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, Katy Parry, Craig Murray, and Philip M. Taylor
historical and political context, the uniformity of its supportive presentation in the news media at the time is brought even further into relief. There
appears to have been no desire to give emphasis to the more ambiguous elements at work within it. At the time, this image was published to support two
interconnected notions about this particular conflict: simultaneously, coalition soldiers are both humanised liberators and part of a militarily effective
warmachine – interpretations that resonate with the coalition discourses of
humanitarianism and good soldiering. In