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on pan-nationalist unity. Adams had concluded that the IRA campaign was going nowhere and that it was time to begin winding down the Provisional war machine in favour of an exclusively political strategy. The story of the Northern Irish peace process, and the reassessment of Provo ideology that made it possible, has often been told. Less attention has been paid to the class dimension of this mutation. When Sinn Féin began its electoral rise in the 1980s, party spokesmen had often presented it as the mouthpiece of an excluded Catholic working class whose voices had
absolute. We were out on our own.” Keeping everything in proportion, I was myself to be left “out on my own” for many long years, in the same way as those who had set about asserting the legitimacy of their “Muslim speech.” Up Against the War Machine of Disinformation In any event, in Algeria as elsewhere, the ability of Islamist political players to communicate with Western audiences was always especially weak. For good reason. It is difficult, if not counter-productive, to seek out the support of the very audience
which technological apparatuses such as drones are and have been put, we can say, along with Puar, that ‘the potential for gender differentiation in the first instance is already the potential – indeed the capacitation – of whiteness; the capacity to lean into gender ‘undecidability’, the province of that same whiteness.’ 41 Drone assemblages, in a mode that both resembles the politics of gender and also makes use of gender, take part in the production of a capacity to ‘fix’ certain bodies and identities so various war machines might be able to ‘tell the
regarded as an important potential ally, from European soil (Bosnian Muslims and Muslims in the Soviet Union) to the Levant and South as well as South-East Asia. This strategic alliance was now increasingly backed up by an alleged ideological alignment between Nazism and Islam, produced and reproduced by a myriad of institutions and networks set up to feed the Nazis’ excessive propaganda and war machine. During the Second World War, Orientalists played a significant role in the foreign office ( Auswärtiges Amt
upswing (in reality achieved only when the war machine was set in motion in the US and the world at large; see Kolko, 1976: 155). All in all, there was a comparatively small presence by the state in the economy of the 1930s. Debunking other myths, Callaghan makes the point that an overstatement of social democratic strength during the post-war boom serves to render a false novelty to the apparent impotence of social democracy in negotiating politics and economics in the age of so-called ‘globalisation’. What is commonly referred to as the golden era of social democracy
and Bruce Robbins (eds), Cosmopolitics: Thinking and Feeling beyond the Nation, 216–29. Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press. Banerjee, Paula (2010). Borders, Histories, Existences: Gender and Beyond. Los Angeles, CA, and London: SAGE Publications. Cole, John W., and Eric R. Wolf (1973). The Hidden Frontier: Ecology and Ethnicity in an Alpine Valley. New York: Academic Press. Cosgrove, Denis, E. (ed.) (1999). Mappings. London: Reaktion. Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari (1986). Nomadology: The War Machine. New York: Semiotext(e). Deleuze, Gilles
solution not been mediated in early June 1999, it is hard to imagine the further course of events, especially given that the Allies, according to some reports, could have run short of munitions within the next month. The West’s impersonal war machine had to turn for help to personal-style politics from the European peripheries (Finland and Russia); a marginal discourse was needed to save the grand narrative of
of these blurred images is the destruction of rubber decoys and fake bridge constructions. Perhaps Serbian cunning added another twist to NATO’s simulation of moral warfare, by also simulating the required destruction of its war machine. Conclusion: vvv.nato.int: host not found . . . The Kosovo war did not take place. What did take place was the enforcement of universally held humanitarian
of wider republican re-alignment, establishes itself as an entity in its own right.’26 Therefore, RNU’s opposition to the path taken by Sinn Féin was based upon the perceived failure of Adams’s party to challenge the ‘British war machine’, symbolised by the building of a large new MI5 headquarters in Belfast.27 RNU are not a political party and state they do not have any immediate plans to stand in elections. They do however adopt a pragmatic approach towards electoral politics by acknowledging that it could be a possible avenue to be explored in the future.28
New Order , p. 14. 15 Macmillan, The Middle Way , pp. 372–374. David Clarke, The Conservative Faith in a Modern Age (London: Conservative Political Centre, 1947), p. 14. 16 Jose Harris, ‘Political Ideas and the Debate on State Welfare’ in H. L. Smith (ed.), War and Social Change: British Society in the Second World War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1986), pp. 233–263. 17 Barker, Political Ideas in Modern Britain , pp. 145–146. 18 Perkin, Professional Society , pp. 407–418. 19 David Edgerton, Britain’s War Machine: Weapons