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Lindsey Dodd

flying v 174 v Explaining bombing to the public fortresses have bombed the submarine base at Lorient very heavily’.50 The intention was to emphasise the target: the base, not the town. It was part of a campaign against ‘the entire German war machine’.51 Workers learnt that the materiel they produced was being sent to the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front so bombing French factories was also helping their hard-pressed Russian comrades.52 The clandestine press, however, not privy to the Allies’ plans, and deprived of accurate information, gave less contextualisation

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

deeper into collaboration with Germany. Key to occupation and collaboration was economic exploitation: infrastructure, industry and seaboard were harnessed to the Nazi war machine and thus became targets for bombs. As Pétain lost control at the helm, France was steered by others, with an increasing ideological commitment to fascist and Nazi ideals resulting in the deportation of around 76,000 Jews from France, most of whom were murdered. Alongside collaboration, resistance developed: equally home-grown, and equally a mixture of the pragmatic and the ideological

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Stephen Benedict Dyson

Story of the Invasion and Occupation of Iraq (New York: Pantheon Books, 2006), 25. 4 Franks quoted in Peter J. Boyer, ‘The New War Machine’, The New Yorker , 30 June 2003. 5 Gordon and Trainor, Cobra II , 22

in Leaders in conflict
Abstract only
David Durnin
Ian Miller

, including shell shock and dismembering conditions requiring amputation. 3 Indeed, patient experiences of war have rapidly adjusted as the so-called modern ‘war machine’ became increasingly rationalised and effective in its power to maim and kill. The nature of smaller civil conflicts has also been affected by the modern nature of combat, a development with equally important implications for medicine and

in Medicine, health and Irish experiences of conflict 1914–45
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Pathologising security through Lacanian desire
Charlotte Heath-Kelly

professionals and the bombers themselves. The knowledge that our own actions play a role in provoking terrorist violence is refused, so that the game of terror and counterterror may continue. Furthermore, the knowledge that military intervention and airstrikes never succeed in resolving militant struggles is also deliberately forgotten. Instead, the war machine displays a repeated compulsion to adopt airstrikes

in Death and security
The French experience, 1792-1815
Gavin Daly

progressively heavier, culminating in the crippling levies demanded after the Russian campaign, provoking widespread opposition. In total, somewhere between 3 and 3.5 million men served in the French army during the Revolutionary-Napoleonic Wars, with some two million conscripted during the Napoleonic years. 51 Yet under Napoleon, the French war machine was also able to draw upon the vast resources of the Empire

in Violence and the state
Conflict with minorities
Terry Narramore

eliminate any potential security threat, secure protomodern sovereign borders, and implement the eighteenth-century Qing’s imperial vision. The Qing expansions were comparable to European states as war machines, but they remained imperial projects towards subordinate ‘others’ of the hinterland who were only incorporated into the central state administration in the late nineteenth century. By then the Qing

in Violence and the state
Open Access (free)
A European fin de siècle
Sergei Medvedev

solution not been mediated in early June 1999, it is hard to imagine the further course of events, especially given that the Allies, according to some reports, could have run short of munitions within the next month. The West’s impersonal war machine had to turn for help to personal-style politics from the European peripheries (Finland and Russia); a marginal discourse was needed to save the grand narrative of

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Virtuousness, virtuality and virtuosity in NATO’s representation of the Kosovo campaign
Andreas Behnke

of these blurred images is the destruction of rubber decoys and fake bridge constructions. Perhaps Serbian cunning added another twist to NATO’s simulation of moral warfare, by also simulating the required destruction of its war machine. Conclusion: host not found . . . The Kosovo war did not take place. What did take place was the enforcement of universally held humanitarian

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Johanna Söderström

Nazi regime, fairly effectively, they were able to destroy the Japanese war machine. … I had relatives that were involved in that, so I kind of grew up thinking that, well, gee … This is what we do. And as I get older, I suppose I might have that responsibility or opportunity, and I thought, well, it's my opportunity to serve my country. (U7) Similarly, Ben notes: “my father and my uncles all served in the Second World War. They were patriotic, it was the kind of thing that you do

in Living politics after war