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and Counter-Reformation, the Enlightenment and Modernism. In other words Western identity is overwhelmingly defined by historical references to earlier selves, rather than by geographical comparisons with others. To claim otherwise is to deny the central thrust of Western education over the past one thousand years. 109 In the first few paragraphs of the Saracens Freeman set out his views on Western identity, which were based on the idea of the unity of European history which he learned from Arnold. ‘In studying the records of Greece, of Rome, of medieval Europe
violence. Two days after the attack rocked his country, Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg addressed the memorial service in Oslo Cathedral with promises that Norway would never surrender its social-democratic values and that the answer to terror is more democracy, not less. Norway refused to follow the path of the United States or European nations towards extensive counterterrorism policies that damage civil liberty
structure is perhaps unsurprising since the wider context for post-war liberalism was always communism and fascism, which had swept across Europe and East Asia. 70 Fear of populist ideologies that had uprooted societies abroad amplified the concern with populism on the fringe of American liberal democracy. This dimension is drawn to the fore when
the ‘apathetic attitude’ of European powers. Closer to home, she believed the fact that the ‘unspeakable horror’ of atrocities experienced by the Armenians had ‘made so little stir’ was ‘a significant sign of the times’. In the first decade of the twentieth century there was a ‘modern craze for new things’, she observed. The Armenian story was considered ‘ancient history’, but the suffering by the Armenian population continued. She was frustrated at how easily atrocities were forgotten and stressed the need to constantly remind the world of the ominous threat of
for the relief of war-time suffering. In theatres of war in nineteenth-century Europe – France, the Balkans – and in Britain’s wars of empire – the Sudan, South Africa – enterprising men and women opened soup kitchens, carried stretchers, nursed the wounded and delivered food and clothing to the destitute. These years saw the now ubiquitous Red Cross emblem first make its appearance on the battlefield
utility of a project which has not always respected diversity and the plurality of knowledge. Critics suggest that ‘indelibly tainted by association with the meta-narratives of modernity,’ the historical experience of emancipation is one that ‘has become complicit in the suffering engendered by the practices and pathologies of modernism (broadly defined)’ ( Wyn Jones, 2005
Development Theory: The Contemporary Debate (London: Taylor & Francis, 2005); B. Hindess, ‘The Past is Another Culture’, International Political Sociology , 1:4 (2007), pp. 325–338; and T. A. McCarthy, ‘From Modernism to Messianism: Liberal Developmentalism and American Exceptionalism’, Constellations , 14:1 (2007), pp. 3
Egypt. 10 The incentives extended were of definite interest to CARE which was actively searching for new horizons in Asia and the Middle East now that European recovery had been successfully addressed. CARE had only recently acquired a very good reputation within certain government circles for its engagement in a Christmas package program called Operation Reindeer, which had been initiated by President
make references to Crusaders and Mongols but rather to a string of ‘broken promises’ dating back to World War I, when European powers divided up the Ottoman Empire to suit their own interests. They planted Israel in the midst of the Middle East, so the analysis goes, in order to drive a wedge between Arab states, and the United States
The end of the transatlantic era? In the eyes of political commentators the Atlantic Community is crumbling. With the election of a US president who, it appears, no longer feels committed to international cooperation – including the role of the United States in NATO – certain assumptions about transatlantic relationships are being called into question. In Europe, too, populist nationalism(s) further fracture(s) the union. Great Britain, in particular, is struggling to reposition itself along European, Atlantic, and