Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
bring especially conservative Protestants together
from time to time. However, with more than fifty Protestant denominations in Northern Ireland, these activities have not been important for
bringing Protestants together as an imagined community, rather they
have been more important within particular congregations or subgroup
traditions, for example among ‘spirit-filled’ charismatics. Indeed, interviews find most Protestants underlining their sense of a lack of overarching religious community.52
Finally, an important role that both Catholic and Protestant Churches
of religious social capital. Gort’s
Brazilian community consisted of Pentecostals, Mormons and Catholics. The
Pentecostal congregation, Assembléia de Deus, set up a church in the area and
was responsible for the annual summer carnival; it catered for ‘approximately
150 attendees on any given night’. The Brazilian Catholic community was
ministered to by a Limerick-based priest who had worked for twenty years in
Brazil; he said mass in Portuguese every Sunday in the local Catholic church.
Both supplied spiritual, emotional and concrete support to their members.
in the Republic’.5 I have tried to
examine the numerous occasions when the war produced popular mobilization
across the southern state, when thousands of people were motivated to march,
strike or protest at events in Northern Ireland. The conflict divided trade union
branches, county council meetings, sporting events and religiouscongregations.
Rival views produced intense and long-lasting fissures. Most dramatically, almost
100 people were killed and hundreds more injured as a result of the violence.
Millions were spent on state security and armed soldiers became
such a development is interesting
from an Irish perspective:
One understanding of secularity then is in terms of public spaces. These
have been allegedly emptied of God, or any reference to ultimate reality. Or,
taken from another side, as we function within various spheres of activity –
economic, political, cultural, educational, professional, recreational – the
norms and principles we follow, the deliberations we engage in, generally
don’t refer us to God or to any religious beliefs; the considerations we act on
are internal to the ‘rationality’ of each sphere
of accepting and processing asylum seekers, due in no small part to the system of Direct Provision. Integration strategies and engagements have also been piecemeal at best, with, until recently, little examination on how such processes are shaping and have been shaped by those seeking asylum in the Republic of Ireland. 11
Northern Ireland: a white ethno-religious place, worlds apart?
The focus of our research on asylum seekers and refugees was on their everyday experience of Northern Ireland, and so the topic of
Caste-based discrimination and the mobilisation of Dalit sameness
obligations, the law, justice
and so forth’ (Doniger 2014, 22).
9 Thus, Ambedkar considered all three positions on caste that Galanter outlined in
1966 redundant, i.e. ‘[t]he sacral view [which] regards the caste group in terms of
its relation to the larger body of Hinduism; the sectarian view [which] sees it in
terms of its own religious distinctiveness; finally, the associational view [which]
defines caste in terms of its associational bonds’ (Galanter 1966, 279).
10 In October 1956 Ambedkar – together with an enormous congregation of Dalits
– converted to Buddhism at
, it began to assign to the newly mobilised a role which had previously been reserved for the priesthood. Local preachers were laymen and laywomen, who extended their public identity from their existing familial and occupational roles to include that of the preacher and leader of a congregation in worship.
But whilst religious belief and practice may be intense at the start of the twenty-first century, it is both fragmented and a series of minority identities, rather than a comprehensive national identity. The disputes which took place in the
have been far more influential in
the US where wealthy organisations have been able to support prominent think
tanks and lobbyists in Washington DC. In addition, prominent organisations such
as Focus on the Family have built media conglomerates that help to spread their
conservative message via a vast network of radio stations and internet sites. Since
the 1980s evangelicals also have made considerable inroads into the national
Republican Party, albeit with varying policy results (Burack, 2008; Fetner, 2008).
The budgets and staffs of these conservative religious
were designated a separate
‘nation’ within their various host societies, permitted to have their
own religious and legal institutions, and yet subjected to all manner of
occupational, fiscal, residential and political discriminations. The subordinate
status of Jews had left most Jews in poverty, vulnerable to external persecution
from the Church, state and people, and dependent internally on their own
rabbinical and financial elites. The Enlightenment project