The Caribbean Post's treatment of West Indian femininity reflected the growing significance of the beauty contest in the British Caribbean. Phyllis Woolford, 'Miss British Caribbean' of 1948 was pictured on the cover of the Post, epitomising modern Caribbean womanhood. This book examines the links between beauty and politics in the Anglophone Caribbean, providing a cultural history of Caribbean beauty competitions. It discusses the earliest Caribbean beauty competition, 'Miss Jamaica', launched in 1929 on the cusp of Jamaican cultural blossoming, and explores the emerging radical feminist voices amidst the cultural revolution. The 'Miss Trinidad' beauty competition, started in 1946, doubled as the search for an annual 'Carnival Queen', and represented the power of the moneyed white elite against an emergent black political force. The image that emerges of Barbados's 'Carnival Queen' contest is of a decidedly bourgeois contest, in which the 'creme de la creme' of Marcus Jordan's account were the most esteemed 'young ladies' of middle-class society. It examines the institutionalisation of the 'Ten Types' model and provides examples of copycat competitions elsewhere in the Caribbean. The 'Ten Types - Miss Ebony' contest was championed as a lesson in Jamaican racial democracy for other, less advanced, West Indian audiences. The book highlights the radical vantage point of exiled Trinidadian-born communist-feminist Claudia Jones who launched a Caribbean beauty competition in London. The burgeoning black beauty culture of London was imagined, through the West Indian Gazette as a pragmatic means of acquiring the respectable appearance that was 'race-pride' work.
At a Conference of the Caribbean
Artists Movement (CAM) held at the University of Kent in 1969, C. L. R.
James spoke with typical energy of his experience of growing up in
I didn’t get literature from the
mango-tree, or bathing on the shore and getting the sun of the
In his capacity as a roaming police
advisor, Arthur Mavrogordato inspected the St Lucia Police in 1948. An
experienced colonial policeman, Mavrogordato had headed up the Palestine
Police from 1923 until 1931. He was no stranger to the police forces of
the Caribbean. He had paid an earlier visit to St Lucia in 1937 as an
official police advisor in a mould similar to Dowbiggin’s. At that
approach to development with some long-standing laissez-faire principles. Two wider political issues made Colonial Office attempts to persuade the Caribbean colonies to follow its preferred routes to industrialisation difficult, however. The increasing political autonomy of governments in the Caribbean region meant that Britain could not merely instruct its West Indian possessions to follow its edicts. In addition, it became clear that in the post-war world, the US hoped to shape development across the Caribbean along lines that it found conducive to its own interests
The expansion of Scottish
involvement in politics in the Caribbean mirrored the Scots’
increasingly prominent position in the imperial polity in London.
Significantly, as the number of Scots acquiring political influence with
the national government increased, so too did the opportunities for
political advancement in the islands. Moreover, as well as providing
This book is wholly devoted to assessing the array of links between Scotland and the Caribbean in the later eighteenth century. It uses a wide range of archival sources to paint a detailed picture of the lives of thousands of Scots who sought fortunes and opportunities, as Burns wrote, ‘across th' Atlantic roar’. The book outlines the range of their occupations as planters, merchants, slave owners, doctors, overseers and politicians, and shows how Caribbean connections affected Scottish society during the period of ‘improvement’. The book highlights the Scots' reinvention of the system of clanship to structure their social relations in the empire and finds that involvement in the Caribbean also bound Scots and English together in a shared Atlantic imperial enterprise and played a key role in the emergence of the British nation and the Atlantic world.
Cato Street and the Caribbean 81
Cato Street and the Caribbean
The historiography of protest and radicalism in early nineteenth-century Britain
sometimes seems most clearly divided on questions of geography. On the one hand,
a long-standing tradition emphasises the significance of internal, often localised
motivating and organisational factors in the sudden outbreaks of violent resistance
that seem to characterise the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century political
topography of the British Isles.1 Most modern working-class and labour
This book examines the processes of nation building in the British West Indies. It argues that nation building was a complex and messy affair, involving women and men in a range of social and cultural activities, in a variety of migratory settings, within a unique geo-political context. Taking as a case study Barbados, which, in the 1930s, was the most economically impoverished, racially divided, socially disadvantaged and politically conservative of the British West Indian colonies, the book tells the messy, multiple stories of how a colony progressed to a nation. It tells all sides of the independence story.
The transition from slavery to
freedom in the British Caribbean raised, for the colonial economic
and political elite, the question of exercising control over the
free labour force. The challenge of emancipation for the former
slaveholding class was to retain dominance over the ex-slaves
without the extensive coercive powers which slavery had allowed