Claire Beaudevin, Jean-Paul Gaudillière, Christoph Gradmann, Anne M. Lovell, and Laurent Pordié
, one may recall the classic 2006 paper by Brown, Cueto and Fee from their project on the history of the World Health Organization (WHO) (Brown et al., 2006 ). In their paper global health is – to a large extent – a political phenomenon placed in the context of geopolitics, development strategies and rivalry between international organizations. Focusing on the WHO and the United Nations (UN) system of intergovernmental democracy, they point to the intimate relationship that international public health maintained with the ColdWar. Other authors like Birn ( 2009
Founded at the beginning of the ColdWar,
the Australian National University (ANU) had state funding and a
charter to advise parliament and the federal bureaucracy.
‘It was thus always vulnerable to national security
interests’ (Gray 2019 , 63).
Towards atypology of the treatment of corpses of ‘disappeared detainees’ in Argentinafrom 1975 to 1983
’, historically part of the Argentine military mentality, was
updated and adapted to the bipolar logic of the ColdWar, but still
subsumed within the idea of ‘subversion’. This process is important,
as this was the era when the leaders of the military coup of 1976
received their training, and they in turn would be responsible for
the training of many of the perpetrators of the slaughter.
The central pillar of this indoctrination was the subordination of
the notion of war to religious principles. Intransigent Catholicism
functioned, as part of this indoctrination, as a pre
understanding violence in this region was the foreign policy of the
United States in Latin America, which considered the region to be its
‘backyard’. During the twentieth century the United States developed
a geopolitical approach based on an interest in the strategic value of
certain places (Panama) and, above all, of a wide range of natural
resources. During the ColdWar and following the Cuban Revolution
this process was accompanied by a military presence on the ground,
and often the training of army officers and local police forces.
Larger numbers of
The status of bodies in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge genocide
Anne Yvonne Guillou
, which play a deep structuring role in the mental universe of the Khmer.
Bones-as-evidence: ossuaries and memorials from
the 1980s to the 2000s
It was on the initiative of the new government put in place under
effective Vietnamese control in 1979 that the first collective treatment of the bodies from the genocide was undertaken, its aim being
to turn them into ‘bones-as-evidence’. This treatment formed part
of the general effort to legitimize the new government in the highly
polarized international context of the ColdWar and the end of the
Vietnam War (1975). The
Contradiction and change in Yugoslavia and Croatia
Mary Kay Gilliland
, Affect and Authority in the
Contemporary Yugoslav Family .’ Ethos
11 ( 1–2 ): 66 – 86 .
Woodward , S. L.
1995 . Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the ColdWar . Washington, DC :
Brookings Institution Press .
the end of the twentieth century, the collapse of the Soviet Union had to all intents and purposes ended the ColdWar, but new, powerful divisions were developing with the rise of religious fundamentalisms, the spread of right wing nationalism and increased xenophobia in many nation states, and a seemingly endless series of small wars and violent civil conflicts throughout the world. These had huge effects in terms of loss of life, rights, and livelihood, and the movements of people which culminated in the 2015 refugee crisis. As we write, we are seeing the
Integrative concepts for a criminology of mass violence
thematic boundaries, and rewarded them for
novel, collaborative and progressive international research.
All of these changes have not, of course, automatically resulted
in research interest in mass violence, and a second set of factors
external to the discipline have arguably provided the real impetus
for criminological engagement. As Hagan has noted, the context of
the ColdWar perhaps promoted a degree of isolationism in western
criminology, which began to break down with the dismantling of
state communism.17 This new order provided opportunities to study
Time and space in family migrant networks between Kosovo and western Europe
reinforced by political concerns. The escalation of the
conflict in Kosovo resulted in the relocation of women and children to Western
countries. The collapse of socialism in most eastern European countries and the end
of the ColdWar, which changed the power geometry in the world, also affected the
movements of people in Kosovo. As of 1992, trans-border mobility was restricted to
those seeking asylum or family reunion. Accordingly, the migration of women and
children resulted in the partial dissolution of the complex, patrilocal households in
which a married couple lived
by Kemal Ataturk in 1922: destitute refugees flooded the Aegean islands
(Clark 2006). During the Second World War and the Nazi occupation of Greece,
Greek citizens crossed the Aegean in an effort to reach Turkish shores and join the
resistance forces in the Middle East (primarily Lebanon and Egypt).5 Although
during the height of the ColdWar refugee flows declined, throughout the 1980s
Kurds and leftists persecuted by the military regime in Turkey crossed the Aegean
border to seek asylum in Greece and other European countries.
More recently, and especially after