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Übermensch. Nietzsche’s historic association with the right-wing political agenda of European politics was the result of ideological manipulation, but also resulted from the intentionally ambiguous nature of his Übermensch. As early as 1911 Alfred Richard Orage (1911: 71) wrote in his biography of Nietzsche: ‘The truth is, Nietzsche himself found it impossible really to describe the Superman’. F. C. Copleston (1942: 231) wrote in 1942 that it is ‘absurd’ to look for a definition of the Übermensch in Nietzsche since the concept represents ‘man-surpassed’ who ‘is not yet but
and literature alike. Abderrezak’s chapter unpacks western rhetoric (which conflates terrorism, clandestinity, and drug trafficking) with regard to a ‘war on terror’ that thinly disguises, under the pretext of international security, the implementation of murderous borders to safeguard Fortress Europe. At a time when European political parties from England to Poland defensively retreat into nationalist agendas and platforms (as shown by the recent Brexit in the United Kingdom and the prominence of the Front National on France’s political scene), this chapter reminds
, In lengthy conversation three times a week, Rivers and Sassoon talked not only about Sassoon’s life and war experiences but also about European politics, German military history, and the dangers of a premature peace. The talking cure was intended to make Sassoon feel uneasy about the gaps in his information and to emphasise the contrast between his
-day audience than simply a literary one. This book bears witness to this fundamental fact about Byron’s Italian writings by relating the texts Byron wrote in Italy to numerous features of early nineteenth-century European (and particularly, of course, Italian) culture, and highlighting many of their hugely influential contributions to the histories of all kinds of literary and non-literary discourses concerning, for example, identity (personal, national and European), politics, ethnography, geography, religion –even tourism. 2 2 A lan R awes and D iego S aglia
jigsaw. He selects the country as a safe vantage point, from which –so he believes –he may be an unaffected observer of the ravages caused by Castlereagh and the effects of the Congress system. In actual fact, as we know, he was spied upon during his stay in Ravenna,4 whose papal legate was subservient to Austria, and, more generally, his was only a half- hearted embrace of Italy, since he never turned away completely from England and Britain, or European politics and culture more broadly. In the couplet, this interplay of positions and attitudes pivots on the word
missions and raiding activities that transformed the entire European political landscape. The British Isles, even though they had been settled by descendants of shared Germanic ancestors, were no exception. In 793, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle , terrible portents came about over the land of Northumbria, and miserably frightened the people: these were immense flashes of lightning, and fiery dragons were seen flying in the air. A great famine immediately followed theses signs; and a little after that in the same year on 8 January the raiding of heathen men
outlines some critiques of Fussell in her Introduction to Evidence, History and the Great War (Oxford: Berghahn, 2003), p. 3. See also Holger Afflerbach, ‘The Topos of Improbable War in Europe Introduction 29 before 1914’, in Afflerbach & David Stevenson (eds), An Improbable War: the Outbreak of World War I and European Political Culture Before 1914 (Oxford: Berghahn, 2007), pp. 161–82. 4 See also Wharton’s acute satire ‘Writing a War Story’, Woman’s Home Companion, September 1919, 17–19. 5 Edgar Evertson Saltus, The Philosophy of Disenchantment (Boston
contraception was but one aspect of the efforts to regulate sexuality on the part of Western countries, particularly in the decades between the two world wars. In his global history of the family in the twentieth century, Therborn outlines the range of ‘natalist’ policies that existed across the European political spectrum in the 1920s and 1930s.83 These state policies directed at regulating and promoting population growth combined various elements of coercion and inducement. Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan each adopted policies to promote the rapid expansion
, that could be productively fused with a commitment to a Catholic worldview. Clearly, the meaning of this political position has altered with time. O’Brien was writing when European politics was dominated by totalitarianism and the struggle against it, and her attachment to an essentially nineteenth-century model of ethical liberal individualism was, in those circumstances, pertinent but also nostalgic. But in the late twentieth and early twentyfirst century, when the neo-liberal ideology of individualism is now dominant, the political significance of O’Brien’s model
to southern, Catholic Europe. Still another two centuries on, Denmark’s resistance to helping Britain contain Napoleon’s activities enabled Britain to reshape European politics by shelling Copenhagen and, following Napoleon’s 1815 exile to St Helena, by presuming to undertake the partially punitive transference of Norway from Danish to Swedish control. For their part, early modern Danish and Swedish political concerns largely concentrated not on Britain but on the German-speaking territories and on the formation of local political states. Indeed, if the creation