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financial relationship between the devolved Northern Irish state and the London or ‘Imperial’ government, which was originally based on the Joint Exchequer Board, but from 1925 a system of annual negotiations emerged. During the interwar years Westminster subsidised key social security measures including the OAP and unemployment benefits while in 1925 and 1930 pensions and health
, Alexander and Cripps, now Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was agreed that the phrase ‘political warfare’ would ‘not be used in any description of our publicity policy’, and there was no reason to form any organisation akin to the wartime Political Warfare Executive. Bevin would continue to be solely responsible for overseas publicity policy, deciding ‘the extent to which “black” propaganda methods are to be
needed to be on a ‘comparable scale’ to that of the US. 138 Yet the arguments for an increase in expenditure were the direct opposite of Treasury demands for overseas publicity to be curbed and, in November, the new Chancellor of the Exchequer, Hugh Gaitskell, informed ministers that, rather than increasing funding, he wanted a substantial decrease, matching savings elsewhere in government
proposals which require approval from the point of view of foreign relations’. In a covering letter, Bevin backed the proposals, suggesting that the report ‘should be approved and that “C” should be authorised to proceed accordingly’. Similar letters were sent to Shinwell and Hugh Gaitskell, Chancellor of the Exchequer since October 1950, who was ‘quite content with the proposals’. 142 The next day
the first time since 1931. The party’s manifesto, Let Us Face the Future , had committed the new government to widespread reforms both at home and overseas, notably the nationalisation of key industries and the implementation of the ‘welfare state’. 5 The soon to be Chancellor of the Exchequer, Hugh Dalton, recalled that the ‘first sensation, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built; we had the
–51) 3 Herbert Morrison, Lord President of the Council (1945–51) and Foreign Secretary (1951) 4 Hugh Dalton, Minister for Economic Warfare (1940–42) and Chancellor of the Exchequer (1945
, was such that the scale of government financial transfers was, until the early 1970s, below the level which might have applied if Northern Ireland had ‘enjoyed’ the scale of spending justified by need. 37 Nevertheless, Bradley observes that ‘the size and persistence of British exchequer funding
their defence and aim for an acquittal. If they were not successful they could draw comfort from the fact that a full trial had been an expensive process, which fitted with the idea of an economic war that would drain the British exchequer. Constant challenges to prison rules and procedures, which were often supplemented by judicial review, were a way of checking the power of the prison authorities and
in the order of 6 to 22’. 73 The detonation took place at another fraught time in the transatlantic relationship with the Attlee government, following a sudden downturn in export markets that inflated the trade and dollar deficit, leading to the decision to devalue the pound. In early September Bevin and Cripps, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, were sent to Washington to
parts of the empire seemed to be following the same trajectory. By 1860 representative self-government had been granted to Canada; Newfoundland; Nova Scotia; New Brunswick; Prince Edward Island; New Zealand; New South Wales; Tasmania; South Australia; Victoria; and Queensland. The belief that the British Empire would be dismantled was further stimulated by the attitudes and actions of Gladstone as the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Colonial Secretary, and four-times Prime Minister. Over the course of his career Gladstone made speeches on the financial burdens of