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Out-marching exclusion and hatred
Jimia Boutouba

. (Jacques Rancière) In November 2013 Moroccan-Belgian filmmaker Nabil Ben Yadir released his second feature film, La Marche, to commemorate the thirtieth anniversary Out-marching exclusion and hatred  117 of the first national anti-racist movement in France. The six-week march was a historical touchstone event that mobilized over 100,000 demonstrators. It was described as France’s equivalent of America’s civil rights protests, a 500-mile march from Marseille to Paris, intended to awaken France to State racism, violence, and rampant discriminatory practices in its midst

in Reimagining North African Immigration
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Nijinsky, Delaunay, Duchamp
Mary Shaw

that argument was Maurice Blanchot in his 1959 Le Livre à venir . 8. Jacques Rancière makes a powerful argument affirming and defining Mallarmé’s engagement with the world in La Politique de la sirène (1996), which builds on Marchal’s research in La Religion de Mallarmé , as does Anna Sigrídur Arnar, from a different angle, in The Book as Instrument (2011). Arnar also gives a useful overview situating many works of Mallarmé criticism over several decades with respect to this question. 9. All of these texts can be found with extensive critical apparatus

in 1913: The year of French modernism
Carl Lavery

new type of collective politics based on what Jacques Rancière calls the ‘wrong’, a demand for recognition on the part of those who are denied visibility in and by the dominant culture, and who exist as representatives of the ‘part who have no part’ ( 1999 : 9). 2 Filth and marginality In the mid-to-late 1950s, ‘race’ relations in France underwent a seismic shift, the consequences of which are still felt today in the depressing cités , or housing estates located beyond the Boulevard Périphérique that separates central Paris from the banlieus . Where Paris had

in The politics of Jean Genet’s late theatre
Politics and aesthetics
Carl Lavery

Maoist students, the Situationist International or Socialisme ou Barbarie. Rather, as I explain below, Genet’s politics remained consistent with the sophisticated and open-ended view of revolution that he proposed in his late theatre. In both his theatre and militancy, Genet always insists on the necessity for social change, without, for all that, being willing to invest in what Jacques Rancière would call metapolitical solutions. 9 For Genet, the social is an open wound that resists healing, and both aesthetics and revolutionary politics are instances of permanent

in The politics of Jean Genet’s late theatre
Carl Lavery

. Rather, I take presentness to be the equivalent of a physical ‘thereness’ which is resistant to all knowledge. Presentness, in my reading, is disruptive; it sets subjectivity reeling. In order to get to grips with the politics involved in Genet’s attempts to dislocate the audience, I supplement Lefebvre’s ideas with those of the post-Althusserian philosophers Jacques Rancière and Alain Badiou. 19 According to Rancière, becoming a political subject does not mean that we identify with a pre-existing set of ideological roles (say, for instance, signing up as a party

in The politics of Jean Genet’s late theatre
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Véronique Machelidon
Patrick Saveau

transforms the story of the long journey through France’s hinterland into a metaphor of ‘solidarity and connectedness across gender, class, race and sex divides’ and a paradigm for political intervention (p. 118). Undermining the stereotypical association banlieue–immigration–lawlessness and the French State’s systemic discrimination against immigrants from former colonies based on national amnesia, La Marche is a ‘heterogeneous text that weaves a new relationship between present and past’ and transforms France’s national historiography (p. 123). Using Jacques Rancière’s

in Reimagining North African Immigration
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Staging the wound
Carl Lavery

Andrew Gibson says the same thing about Rancière’s notion of aesthetic politics and Badiou’s inaesthetics. See ‘The Unfinished Song: Intermittency and Melancholy in Rancière’, in M. Robson (ed.), Jacques Rancière: Aesthetics, Politics and Philosophy (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2005), pp. 61–76; and Beckett and Badiou: The Pathos of Intermittency (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 162–71.

in The politics of Jean Genet’s late theatre
G. W. M. Reynolds and The Mysteries of London
Rob Breton

resurrection men’, p. 71. 98 Ibid ., p. 73. 99 A. Woloch, The One vs. the Many (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003 ), p. 27. 100 Reynolds, The Mysteries of London , I, p. 312. 101 Ibid ., p. 545. 102 Ibid ., pp. 546–7. 103 T. Carlyle, ‘Chartism’, in The Works of Thomas Carlyle in Thirty Volumes (New York: Charles Scribner and Sons, 1904 ), XXIX, p. 157. 104 Jacques Rancière identifies ‘thousand games of social mobility’ as that which complicates the polarising of oppositional practices and tastes among the classes. J. Rancière

in The penny politics of Victorian popular fiction
Maguy Marin, Dominique Dupuy, Joanna Czajkowska
Evelyne Clavier

unfairly. Following in Beckett's theatrical footsteps, Marin achieves with May B what Jacques Rancière ( 2004 ) has called a new ‘distribution of the sensible’, making visible and audible in dance those whom society would sometimes prefer not to see and hear: people with disabilities, those individuals without fixed borders, the excluded, the defeated of history. Marin thus shares with Beckett a ‘political imagination’ close to that of the Left (see Morin, 2017 ), which is characterised by a great attention and consideration for those who are despised and rejected

in Beckett’s afterlives
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Mark Robson

, does not. As Jacques Rancière notes, the Aristotelian distinction between human and animal can only be the result of a rather unlikely forgetting of Plato. In particular, it involves suppressing the passages in the Republic that are all too clear on the animalistic nature of crowds who, at the instigation of an orator, will express pleasure and displeasure. 11 Rancière argues

in The sense of early modern writing