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Nicky Falkof

manifestations of these anxieties, and many of their swiftest transmissions, are most apparent in the media that comprise our primary mass communicative platforms. From newspapers to Twitter feeds, from radio phone-ins to memes forwarded on WhatsApp, South Africans energetically listen to, read about and share stories that shape our social theories and daily practices. Of course, access to such media forms is far from universal, especially where they require smartphones, digital data, decent bandwidth and reliable electricity. Here, as

in Worrier state
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Saskia Huc-Hepher

Bourdieusian conception of ethnography, using multiple sources, from audio-recorded interview and focus group narratives to autobiographies written by members of the French community, the original pilot questionnaire, official documentation transmitted to me by the French consulate, observational fieldnotes, photographic evidence of the London-French habitat and digital data collected from the internet, which is, by definition, inherently multimodal (including moving/still images, text and other semiotically meaningful affordances). In addition to my one-to-one interviews

in French London
A multimodal reading of archived London-French blogs
Saskia Huc-Hepher

(e.g. Basu and Coleman, 2008 ; Miller, 2010 , 2012 ; Pahl and Rowsell, 2010 ; Ankerson, 2011 ; Rowsell, 2011 ; Wang, 2016 ; Asenbaum, 2019 ) and social spheres (e.g. community-led ‘libraries of things’). As if in a desire to cling on to a fading past, where people once felt secure in the grounded reality of their physical world, immersed in a nauseating sea of limitless digital data (Kitchin, 2014 ), the solidity of the everyday is attractive (Ankerson, 2019 ). While the twenty-first-century look towards the material provides a counternarrative to

in French London