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Open Access (free)
Judith Squires

have taken the operation of the public–private dichotomy to be essential to understanding women’s oppression. 2 Feminist critiques of the public–private distinction The feminist literature on the public–private distinction has focused primarily on critiquing the liberal formulation of the public–private distinction. These critiques fall into three broad strands, of which the first criticises the premises

in Political concepts
Brian Hanley

of feminist literature.154 The ‘Heavy Gang’ Conor Cruise O’Brien later recalled that a detective told him how they had convinced a suspect to give crucial information in the Herrema case; ‘they beat the shit out of him’.155 Allegations about such tactics were first aired in the republican and left press, then taken up by Hibernia and the Sunday World and finally by the Irish Times. Many of the revelations centred around claims that a ‘Heavy Gang’ of detectives, based at the Garda Technical Bureau, were deployed in cases involving subversion. This group routinely

in The impact of the Troubles on the Republic of Ireland, 1968–79
Place, space and discourse
Editors: and

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

Abstract only
Rethinking the miners’ strike of 1984–85
Jim Phillips

Richards, in 1996, which probed pit-level strike endurance, but only briefly in relation to South Wales while looking mainly at Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire,28 and Keith Gildart’s longer history of the North Wales miners, in 2001.29 This popular movement historiography has been accompanied by feminist literature exploring one of the strike’s principal features: the role of women. Women managing a household without male earnings encountered severe strain, but there were positive experiences too. Men not working took a greater share in domestic labour and childcare, and

in Collieries, communities and the miners’ strike in Scotland, 1984–85
The Indian experience
Shirin M. Rai

can also be seen as a necessary condition for women’s interests to be taken into account’ (PfA, G: paragraph 183). There is now a growing body of feminist literature which is problematizing this assumption about a direct co-relation between women’s participation in politics and the representation of women’s interests (see Coole, 1997; Fraser, 1997; Young, 1997; Hoskyns and Rai, 1998). This issue of representation of interests is a vexed one. Whose interests are being represented by the increased participation of women in political institutions? Who can and will

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Abstract only
Socialist women and Women’s Liberation, 1968–82
Sue Bruley

those of us who were genuinely committed to both socialist politics and the women’s movement our involvement in each place seemed to take part in two separate boxes … on a personal level that felt really alienating’. 36 IS increasingly behaved as if it was ‘the’ revolutionary party rather than part of the far left as a whole and none of us felt comfortable with this, particularly as the focus in IS had shifted almost exclusively towards industrial workers. We were all reading feminist literature and eager to become more involved in the WLM. There was by this time

in Against the grain
An analysis of post-2006 Timor-Leste
Sarah Smith

feminist literature (see Butler 2006), gender mainstreaming rests on women as the subject of gendered security. Gender in peacebuilding has been incorporated in a way that reproduces stable binaries of man and woman, in turn contributing to their normativity (Kunz 2014). These normative gender ideals produce specifically gendered identities, contributing to their construction and maintenance through the organisation of activity based on gender dualisms (see Harding 1986, 17–18). Thus the ‘gender’ contained in UN p ­ eacebuilding policy and practice is itself both

in The politics of identity
Fiona Dukelow

’s arguments and perspective obsolete and of historical significance only. While the text, or portions of it, appear as canonical reading within feminist literature, it is used mostly to demonstrate a stage in the progression of feminist ideas and arguments, so that, as Nancy Bauer (2004: 116) puts it, reading Beauvoir is equivalent ‘to genuflecting on your way into the family pew’. However, reading Beauvoir should not be so readily dismissed or ­relegated to feminist annals, especially in a context where feminist politics has to grapple with the implications of post

in Mobilising classics
Clara Eroukhmanoff

as the expanding role of the United Nations (UN) in regional conflicts, the increasing cost to the US of expensive military operations, Japan's growing economic power and the fragmentation of the USSR dissipated the Cold War vision of a world divided into East–West binaries. Feminist literature had an important role in widening the agenda too, by arguing that ‘women’ could be the referent object of security (Hoogensen and Stuvøy 2006 ; Hudson 2005 ; Kennedy-Pipe 2007 ; Tickner 1992; 2001; 2004

in The securitisation of Islam
Anna Boucher

were identified in Chapter  3 as potential features in the Australian and Canadian political systems that could militate against the centralising effects of Westminster-inspired systems. These factors and their application across and within the various case studies are compared across the chapters in the following section. The existence of women’s policy machinery The theoretical feminist literature proposes that given the fusion of the executive and legislative function in Westminster systems, feminist activists may be most successful if they target the state from

in Gender, migration and the global race for talent