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bazaar seems closer to a place of refuge than a site of exclusion, open for all comers, where to be ‘home, albeit lost’, marks both the diasporic subject’s torment as well as their tenure. In the bazaar the illiberal vocabulary of patria encounters alternative opportunities for striking human relations. ‘Could the museum’, asks the speaker hopefully, ‘help inter / our old ideas
illiberal government was founded in the corruption of men by patronage and bribery, and these arguments had formed part of their critique of the unreformed British state for decades. Imperial expenditure was interpreted as a sign of ‘Old Corruption’ abroad, apparent evidence that the colonies were becoming bastions of aristocracy, privilege and tyranny. 161 Reformers argued that growing numbers of
indiscriminately allowed the privilege . . . was both unjust and illiberal’. 30 Ten years later he was agitating ‘to put the Indians on the same footing as the white . . . [taking] some of the privileges which they had superior to those of the white men, such as the privilege of hunting at unseasonable times . . . [and] the privilege under some circumstances of not paying their debts’. 31
-estimated’ or ‘despised’ on ‘the score of their moral attributes’. This, he cautioned, made as much sense as trying to ‘form an estimate of our national character in England’ from ‘some commercial sea-port’. If the British were to judge the Chinese on their experience in Canton, ‘we in fact become as illiberal as themselves’. 55 Toogood Downing aimed in his three volumes to reveal ‘the absurdity of prejudice
aristocratic government at home. Van Diemen’s Land, the political offender William Ashton told public meetings on his return to England in the late 1830s, was the product of an already illiberal and ‘blood-stained’ British state. ‘Look at the annals of’ this ‘country’, he counselled: keep in mind the Manchester massacre [Peterloo] . . . the
materials of liberal pursuits were sought to be divorced from their illiberal histories. Conclusion The planter Edward Long wanted to establish a school of medicine in Jamaica. He believed that Jamaica provided the ideal setting for such liberal pursuits; it was the ‘noblest field for botanical enquiries’ with its ‘fertile soil’ and its trade brought in the ‘spices of the East, the bark tree of Peru, the balsam trees of Mexico’. 158 Long’s family too had come to Jamaica in search of wealth. His great
the reasons for its adoption, to inform Indian opinion about the situation worldwide, and thus ‘to create a demand’ for paper currency. 23 On the other hand, Montagu noted that the Islington Commission report on public services (1917) was widely regarded by Indians as ‘unsatisfactory, disappointing, illiberal’. The government ought to have responded by creating ‘a
The Times , Abdurahman appealed directly to the people of Great Britain in the name of ‘the millions of loyal British subjects whom we have been delegated to represent’ to challenge the act’s clauses barring non-whites from election to the Union parliament on grounds that: (a) They are illiberal, unjust, and unreasonably offensive
Apparently ‘Bushmen’ engaged as shepherds would earn about 10s a month, or else a goat ewe, together with cast-off clothes ‘and in most cases a not illiberal ration of meat with a little bread and coffee’; they might also earn a gun. 20 Wives and children would work at a farmer’s homestead, although Scott also reported in 1883 that at present the only demand for labour is for herds unencumbered with families. Such form but a small proportion of the native population. I know of many cases of men with
India as a laboratory for utilitarianism. Because of the ambivalent nature of philosophical radicalism, Javed Majeed contends, utilitarianism had only a limited impact on British rule in India. 20 Nowhere is this illustrated better than in the edition of the History edited by Horace Hyman Wilson, who defends orientalism against the ‘harsh and illiberal spirit’ of the book. And if India was the focus