Search results
be further illustrated by means of a correlation. The categories of ballot access requirements devised above can be assigned codings, with ‘easy’ ballot access laws coded 3, ‘medium’ ballot access laws coded 2, and ‘hard’ ballot access laws coded 1.22 If right-wing extremist parties consistently record higher electoral scores in countries where ballot access requirements are easy and lower electoral scores in countries where ballot access requirements are hard (as was hypothesized above), given these codings, a positive correlation coefficient should be observed
women’s organizations has been almost insultingly cursory, showing an astonishing degree of condescension and disregard for women’s perspectives on public policy. For example, in the recent process of reforming the country’s Islamic family law code, the Moudouana, managed by the King, women’s organizations were only peripherally consulted. They were contacted in writing; public debate and the risk of conflict were avoided. Not a single woman from the women’s movement sat on the commission charged with revising this critical piece of legislation. The resulting
posits it against his concept of divine violence. Mythical violence, for Benjamin, is that violence which is both law-preserving and law-making. In Benjamin's analysis, mythical violence thus inevitably relates to existing state structures that prescribe, though laws, codes and norms, either a reaffirmation (preservation) of existing political structures or indeed the making of new laws and codes, thus also prescribing or reaffirming the normativity of
estates of the realm. The great law code of 1734 was in some ways the culmination of this process. The activities of the Vikings and early Christians pre-dated the advent of a distinctive period of early co-operation between the Scandinavian kingdoms in the form of the Kalmar Union. This ‘Golden Age’ has become a (justifiable) part of the mythology of contemporary Nordic co-operation. Nor was its inception unimpressive. At a solemn ceremony at Kalmar in Sweden, close to the then border with Denmark, on Trinity Sunday in June 1397, sixty-seven bishops, prelates, nobles
law coded all relevant visa regulations. The original intercoder reliability rating was 97.2 per cent and, following a coder meeting, all discrepancies were reconciled. This coding approach is similar to existing undertakings to typologise skilled immigration regimes in so far that they consult and then code relevant policies according to a variety of indicators (e.g. Cerna 2008, 2014; Chaloff and Lemaitre 2009; Gest et al. 2014; Kahanec and Zimmermann 2010; Lowell 2005; OECD 1998, 1999; Papademetriou et al. 2008). Yet, several factors differentiate this study from
French armies brought both bayonets and law codes into the conquered territories. Moreover, this reformist agenda was not simply about improving the efficiency and capacity of the Napoleonic state to extract financial, economic and military resources from subject territories and states. As Stuart Woolf has cogently argued, there was a genuine commitment on the part of the Napoleonic state to
– perhaps by offering shelter or food – were subject to the same punishment. The Icelandic law code, Grágás , provided for similar consequences, equating the status of the newly outlawed to that of a wolf: ‘hann skal sva vida vargr heita, sem vidast er verold byggd, ok vera hvarvetna raekr ok rekinn um allan heim’ [‘he shall be known as a wolf, as widely as the world is inhabited, and be rejected everywhere and be driven away throughout all the world’] (Barraclough 2010 ). The use of animalistic metaphors to communicate the status of the outlaw is significant and
dimensions: values and principles on the one hand, and formal procedures and institutions on the other. The former propagate the basic ethos of a country’s public life, mainly through their declaratory, aspirational and socialising impact rather than through legal force. The latter explain what the principles mean for particular office-holders, and define and enforce precise rules of behaviour through soft-law codes, managerial discipline or hard law. Values and principles. In regulating ethics there is clearly a need for both values and principles and for rules and
government in an environment where levels of trust and support and electoral participation are already low. The chosen tools were soft law, codes of conduct, and a para-legal framework with consequences for poor behaviour, but not penal ones. The arrangements proved overly complex and had to be rapidly reviewed. Key decisional processes were repatriated to the local level, notwithstanding the government’s fear that this could thwart the effectiveness of the entire process. Moreover, the values of the system, when revealed in detail exposed publicly what hitherto was
encourages intergovernmentalism, which can lead to increased executive decision-making, and reduced opportunities for legislative engagement (Guiraudon 1997: 265–6; Simeon 1972; Smith 2005: 122–3). Despite these concerns, federalist structures also open opportunities for diversity-seeking engagement. Federalism most strongly played out in the temporary economic immigration case study (Chapter 7) where diversity-seeking groups in Canada, faced with a hostile political environment at the national level, were able to seek important legislative reforms to labour law codes in