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Anne Marie Losonczy

Since the early 1990s, armed actors have invaded territories in the Chocó and Antioquia departments of Colombia, inhabited by Afro-Colombians and Indians whose collective rights in these territories had recently been legally recognised. Based on long-term fieldwork among the Emberá Katío, this article examines social, cosmological and ritual alterations and re-organisation around violent death. Following a national policy of post-conflict reparations, public exhumations and identifications of human remains reveal new local modes of understanding and administration. In particular, suicide, hitherto completely unknown to the Emberá, broke out in a multitude of cases, mostly among the youth. Local discourse attributes this phenomenon to the number of stray corpses resulting from the violence, who are transformed into murderous spirits which shamans can no longer control. The analysis focusses on the unprecedented articulation of a renewed eschatology, the intricate effects of an internal political reorganisation and the simultaneous inroad into their space of new forms of armed insurrectional violence. Thus the article will shed light on the emergence of a new transitional moral economy of death among the Emberá.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Sophie Roborgh

2286 mention ‘[p]roviding reparations and assistance to victims and restoring essential services’ only as their final point ( UN Secretary-General, 2016 : 10, Recommendation 13). It also overlooks the fact that incident accounts have value in themselves for those providing them. Currently, contributors’ accounts can be excluded for failing to meet the (externally imposed) threshold, even though it is concern for the lives of these same healthcare workers and the broader

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
‘Case history’ on violence against women, and against women’s rights to health and to reproductive health
Sara De Vido

committed through state laws and policies. The bi-dimensional relationship will be explored using the jurisprudence of regional human rights courts and the activity of international human rights bodies, along with some relevant national judgments and state practice. I will study the decisions following three axes, which correspond to specific questions: 1. Who are the applicants? 2. Has the right to health been applied directly? In which ways was women’s health relevant in the decision? 3. What reparations, if any, have been granted to the person(s) whose rights have

in Violence against women’s health in international law
Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).

The victims' struggle for recognition and recurring genocide memories in Namibia
Vilho Amukwaya Shigwedha

Namibia without proper investigations to determine whether they really belonged to the victims of the Herero and Nama genocide victims. 201 The return of Herero and Nama bones from Germany   201 Since the Namibian government did not specifically indicate interest in the issue regarding reparations for the descendants of the victims, the German government concluded that the ‘lukewarm response’ from the Namibian government on this issue affirms the Namibian and German governments’ agreement not to compensate affected groups and communities.18 For a considerable period

in Human remains in society
Open Access (free)
Europe’s ‘zero hour’
Kjell M. Torbiörn

among leaders and rulers – paramount among them the foolhardy bellicosity of the German Kaiser Wilhelm II – was all that was needed to provoke war in 1914. It was a European, and worldwide, conflict that was effectively to last for thirty years, albeit with a hiatus from 1919 to 1939. The inter-war period, with its heavy war reparations exacted especially on Germany, was characterised by a retreat from the much more benign climate for trade, investment abroad and freedom of travel that had characterised a pre-World War I era of ‘Victorian capitalism’ and stable

in Destination Europe
Rhiannon Vickers

10/15/03 2:10 PM Page 83 THE LABOUR MINORITY GOVERNMENTS 83 the Government of the day. This one brought greater benefits to the Opposition. MacDonald knew more about foreign affairs than Bonar Law or Baldwin, and spoke on them with greater authority.’12 MacDonald linked the economic conditions at home with the crisis abroad, arguing that ‘the unemployment problem at home could not be resolved until Europe had been pacified and the reparations issue resolved.’13 The 1922 Labour Party manifesto had called for revisions of the Peace Treaties, with German

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)
Reconceptualising states’ obligations in countering VAWH
Sara De Vido

184 DE VIDO 9781526124975 PRINT.indd 184 24/03/2020 11:01 The treatment use the means they have to adequately investigate abuses committed to determine who was responsible, to take appropriate steps against such individuals, and to guarantee victim redress and reparations.’46 As clearly outlined by the African Commission on human and people rights in the case Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum v. Zimbabwe: [an] act by a private individual and therefore not directly imputable to a State can generate responsibility of the State, not because of the act itself, but

in Violence against women’s health in international law
Open Access (free)
Postcolonial governance and the policing of family
Author: Joe Turner

Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.

Open Access (free)
The prognosis
Sara De Vido

of VAW as an international custom, confirming the proposal of the CEDAW Committee in GR No. 35 of 2017. Women’s rights to health and to reproductive health have underpinned the assessment: even though often not applied directly, these rights have played a role in determining the consequences of violence (horizontal dimension), the causes of violence (vertical dimension), state responsibility, how to decide reparations and the general measures states must adopt. This way, the content of the right to health and of the right to reproductive health has been clarified

in Violence against women’s health in international law