expressed in history, others would continue shortly after in the
modernist arts, literature, poetry, music and philosophy. A second wave of radical modernism emerged in Marxist politics, political economy, liberation theology and indigenous movements.
Engagement in the cross-currents of history
Modernism arose at the turn of the twentieth century as a movement of artists, philosophers, writers, poets, musicians and activists (Schelling, 2000). In
a short time, they remedied the positivist cultures that had denigrated Latin
America and venerated European
work of Raymond
Williams, Spivak is likewise moved to challenge the work of Terry
Eagleton for its insularly national account of Jane Eyre’s class dynamics.
Jameson writes from a different but equally revisionary impulse: to extend
Lukácsian aesthetics to include the impact of empire building on metropolitan art, and to amplify Lenin’s conceptions of imperialism as the last
stage of capitalism. Like Jameson, Said and Spivak are also motivated by
expressly contemporary political goals. Spivak offers a strategic intervention against contemporary Anglo-European
African cultural studies as it already exists outside the academy. It might mean that what South African academics ‘appropriate’
from the UK are not only aspects of its current theoretical capital but
also insights inspired by the UK’s social, educational and cultural history.3
I do not want to imply any direct parallel between the history of South
Africa and that of the UK in the twentieth century: on the contrary. (Later
I will address what I see as the dangers of applying theoretical paradigms
developed in the UK, USA and Europe within a new South Africa.) But I
concurrently with the more sensational operations of overseas violence. As Heart
of Darkness indicates, within and across metropolitan everyday life, the
economic, political and cultural elements of imperialism reproduced
themselves in ways that were quiet,complex and apparently unspectacular.
I will outline here some of the ways in which late nineteenth-century
European imperialism inheres in the textures of daily labour and leisure
in Conrad’s novella. I will also suggest that the Company’s structures and
agents – including Kurtz – need to be reinterpreted through this
premises were also, in some regards, different. When (p. 68)
Lloyd refers to ‘post-enlightenment liberals such as John Stuart Mill’ and
their continuation of Kant’s racial thinking, he suggests that Kant’s centrality to Victorian England is self-evident.6 But Kant’s pan-European
influence in conceptions of ‘race’ is a notion that needs further justification. So does Lloyd’s claim for the primacy of cultural theory itself in eighteenth-century conceptualisations of ‘human identity’. This claim does
not acknowledge as significant the theorisations produced by political and
conference in Cambridge the previous summer and
he had begged me for an excuse to visit the ‘sexiest destination in Europe’.
Hans’s views can be regarded with suspicion, if at all representative, as
he is now outside the academy.
There was Doctor Claude de Ville from the Department of Sociology
outside Lyon. I will just call him Claude, as he had no patience with
disguise. Claude is a distant relation of Durkheim and for that reason
his opinions are given more credit than they deserve. He resisted visiting
allegiance to a party, country, faith, or family. A Conservative might wear red braces, but would be unlikely to wear a red shirt. And yet it is on the face of it astonishing that so much significance should attach to the colour of items of clothing. But it has always and everywhere been so. One of the first things that the states of Europe did when they began putting their ordinary soldiers into uniform from the seventeenth century onwards, was to select distinguishing national colours: blue and yellow in Sweden, white in France, Red in Britain. When it came to
winding up, the concluding section of
this introduction lays out some of the methodological considerations and the social
context for of this project.
The context for this study
Israel presents a fascinating case study that can help deepen our understanding of
singlehood and temporality, particularly due to what has been termed as the
traditionalism–modernism paradox of contemporary Israeli society (Bystrov 2012).
On the one hand, Israel has undergone dramatic transitions in family life. In common
with many European and American societies, the country has been affected