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Mercenaries are fighters who operate under special conditions. Their presence, as shadow combatants, often tends to exacerbate the violence of their enemies. That’s why the analysis focuses on the singularity of the relationship to death and ‘procedures’ concerning the corpses of their fallen comrades. As a fighter identified and engaged in landlocked areas, the mercenary’s corpse is treated according to material constraints pertaining in the 1960s. After violence on their body, and evolution towards the secret war, mercenaries favour the repatriation of the body or its disappearance. These new, painful conditions for comrades and families give birth to a collective memory fostered by commemorations.
1 Consumer and consumerism under state socialism: demand-side abundance and its discontents in Hungary during the long 1960s György Péteri1 Can consumption in state-socialist societies constitute a relevant field for the student of social issues related to overflow situations? So skeptical readers may wonder, and I cannot blame them. Of course, the first thing that comes to mind when thinking about these societies is shortages rather than excesses, insufficiency rather than plenty, a lack of almost everything rather than abundance. Indeed, shortages and their
and adaptation to the productive and reproductive cycles of the community. Community cooperation, social responsibility, and the resultant way of thinking were a product of this adaptation. Delocalisation, relocalisation These long-established territorial units of social organisation began to experience significant destructuring between the 1960s and 1980s. There were at least three important consequences of the deagrarisation and deruralisation that they suffered: the progressive abandonment of agriculture; migration towards the cities; and the The new rural
at home has been a moral center of debate since at least the late 1950s and early 1960s (Löfgren, 2012). Planning has been essential, and techniques for handling the growing influx of things developed both as a result of adjustments to everyday practices and professional help and guidelines and in consequence of an increasing assortment of furniture and accessories intended for storing things at home. As argued in Franck Cochoy’s (2012) chapter in the first volume based on this project (Managing overflow in affluent societies), managing is about channeling flows
The supposed apathy shown towards diphtheria by certain sections of the British public was largely overcome by the 1960s – or, at least, immunisation rates had improved to such an extent that the Ministry of Health was no longer concerned about widespread diphtheria epidemics. Yet it did not have the same successes with smallpox vaccination. The problem of low rates of infant vaccination and childhood revaccination among the population remained a continual source of irritation for the Ministry. In the government's favour, the success of
, despite these globalising forces. In the late 1990s, various Galician institutions began a gradual campaign to recuperate traditional trades. Their strategy was to select a series of activities which had formed a part of Galicia’s distinctive material reality until recent 120 E. Freire Paz times: in about the late 1960s. The first of these activities from previous time periods that happened to be chosen was pottery, a trade that had possessed a strong historical presence throughout the Galician territory. In addition, unlike other crafts that had disappeared
Indigenous smallpox had been eliminated from Britain in the 1930s, reducing its threat to the day-to-day lives of British people. The public had, however, come to fear a new disease which first reached epidemic proportions in 1947 – poliomyelitis. From that year onwards, regular outbreaks occurred during the “polio season” each summer. No cure was ever found. The only thing authorities could do was provide treatment for acute symptoms and continue research efforts into a preventative vaccine. By the end of the 1960s, the number of annual
decades. 19 If there was a will for greater protection, state planning and modern science appeared to offer a means for its provision. Although much would later be made of the “technocratic age” of the 1950s and 1960s, it was in the 1940s that the British state would begin to take greater control of once-private industries in the name of efficiency and accountability. 20 Indeed, it was through the establishment of monitoring statistics during this time that the Ministry of Health was able to monitor the apathy that it would see in the 1950s and how it would come to
mental disorder among 5- to 15-year-olds has shown a slight increase over time (NHS Digital, 2018 ). Since the 1960s, what we would now see as punitive and stigmatising attitudes to “madness”, with great reliance on institutional care, have given way to a more community-based, human rights-informed approach. These changes were enabled by the development of new generations of anti-psychotic and mood-stabilising drugs, and spurred on by vocal communities of mental health activists. Societal attitudes to mental illness have also changed, aided by
recently by James T. Snow, long-time director of the USGA’s Green Section . Chlordane, a chemical banned in 1988 by the EPA, suitably exemplified the remarkable effectiveness of pesticides, as Snow averred: “All you had to do back in the 1960s was put chlordane on the greens and you wouldn’t have an insect problem for 25 years” (Barton, 2008 ). There was surely a normative force driving the golf industry in North America towards the widespread adoption of sweeping chemical applications as well