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Katie Pickles

the oldest and largest female imperialist organization, is easy to argue for. The IODE was by far the most active organization of those comprised of twentieth-century female imperialists. It encompassed the most diverse membership, and carried out the widest variety of projects. That the IODE originated in Canada constitutes an intervention in British imperialism and in the developing nationalism of the white settler

in Female imperialism and national identity
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Reading SimCity
Barry Atkins

SimCity does not attempt to use British imperialism and colonialism or Nazi militarism as its model, but however the expectations of the game are communicated, whether in its title or not, they establish limits above all else. SimCity is not just a sim in the sense of truncated simulation, but a sim in the sense of simplification, for all its statistical chap5.p65 132 13/02/03, 14:23 Managing the real: SimCity 133 complexity it is an abbreviation and reduction of the complex world about us. Some simplifications are barely noticeable – the absence of weather

in More than a game
Laura Chrisman

share equally complicated relations with materialist theory: Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak and Fredric Jameson. Spivak, a selfdesignated ‘Marxist-feminist-deconstructionist’, is highly regarded as one of the key practitioners of post-colonial theory; Jameson is one of the leading left theorists of culture in the USA. These three thinkers have each produced an impressively large and wide-ranging opus of critical thought. My concern here, however, is exclusively with their respective analyses of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century British imperialism.4 I want to

in Postcolonial contraventions
Rhiannon Vickers

reverse. Of all the groups on the left in Britain at this time, the Fabian Society were the least interested in foreign policy and international affairs. Issues of war and peace were not of immediate concern to them, and they had few links with overseas socialist organisations, apart from sending delegates to the Second International. The one issue that did impinge on their consciousness was British imperialism, and this was only because it became impossible not to discuss it once the Boer War had broken out. As will be demonstrated below, the Fabians were divided over

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
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Anne McClintock and H. Rider Haggard
Laura Chrisman

Imperialism and South African Resistance in Haggard, Schreiner and Plaatje (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), for an elaboration of the arguments here. See John MacClure, Late Imperial Romance (London: Verso, 1994), for a discussion of the imperial romance genre. chapter2 21/12/04 50 11:09 am Page 50 Imperialism 12 See Bernard Magubane, The Making of a Racist State: British Imperialism and the Union of South Africa, 1875–1910 (Trenton: Africa World Press, 1996), for an historical account of this period. 13 For an example of this discourse analysis mode see David Spurr

in Postcolonial contraventions
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Colonial subjects and the appeal for imperial justice
Charles V. Reed

During the second half of the nineteenth century, imperial activists and intellectuals in Britain struggled to redefine the ideological apparatus of British imperialism, to push back against the shifting winds of colonial politics and the widespread failures of imperial governance: rebellions in Canada (1837–38), India (1857–58), and Jamaica (1865); growing agitation for

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
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Sabine Clarke

During the 1930s, episodes of violent protest by the inhabitants of Britain’s Caribbean colonies brought the extremely poor living and working conditions that existed in these territories to domestic and international attention. Revelations of widespread unemployment, squalid housing and malnutrition threatened the moral authority of British rule and provided fuel for critics of British imperialism. As a result, Britain made a commitment to improving living conditions in an area of the British Empire that it had previously neglected. This

in Science at the end of empire
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Laura Chrisman

range of British imperialism generated significantly different modes of ‘othering’. ‘Orientalism’s ongoing hegemony as an academic template for the entire colonised world suggests that this truism bears reiteration.18 As I have suggested elsewhere, Perhaps it was inevitable that ‘The Orient’ should have been privileged, given the sheer longevity of European colonial relations with it. But this argues for the highly unrepresentative nature of the colonialism that developed there. Nineteenth-century British India, so central to the theoretical work of Spivak and Bhabha

in Postcolonial contraventions
Heloise Brown

politics simply echoed those of the Peace Society. Jill Liddington has argued that Peckover lacked ‘a sharp analysis of British imperialism’, while Peter Brock claims that her opinions ‘coincided more or less’ with those of the Peace Society. Martin Ceadel notes that Peckover was ‘astonishingly successful’ in mobilising the LPA movement, yet barely mentions her work in a study of the British peace movement spanning over four hundred pages. Paul Laity acknowledges Peckover’s criticisms of imperialism but on the whole presents her as conveying an ‘optimistic Christian

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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Bill Schwarz

‘A Negro looks at British imperialism’, published in 1938, he remarked that ‘it is impossible for any progressively minded Negro to isolate himself from the broader aspects of the subject and view the Colour Bar question from the purely personal standpoint’. To do this would be ‘superficial’. He recognised that the ‘British people, in their typically off-hand way’, assumed that black colonials

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain