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Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe

; Smith, 2014] . Likewise, French, Portuguese and South Africa interference in the conflict was undertaken with the goal of destabilising Nigeria and weakening its influence in West Africa [ Omaka, 2019 ; Siebert, 2018] . The third element of this story is the on-going transition from empire to the postcolonial era. That change manifested itself in different ways. The Africanisation of the Nigerian Catholic Church, for example, changed the role that expatriate missionaries

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Language, education and the Catholic Church
Alex J. Bellamy

6 The nation in social practice II Language, education and the Catholic Church The language question Many writers argue that language is one of the distinguishing aspects of a nation. Eugene Hammel, for instance, suggested that in the Balkans, linguistic and religious identification are the primary sources of nationality.1 Attempts to form a codified language for the Southern Slavs were a cornerstone of the Illyrian movement in the nineteenth century and both Yugoslav states tried to enforce a standardised state language as a means of avoiding the potentially

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Communism, post-Communism, and the war in Croatia
David Bruce MacDonald

atrocities. The purpose behind this onslaught of subjective and emotive propaganda was clear – it buttressed Serbian arguments that the war was forced on the Serbian people. The Serbian Orthodox Church and its parishioners had been brought to the ‘verge of annihilation’.81 That this work appeared in 1994, after countless attacks on the Serbs in the international press for their destruction of Catholic churches and mosques, was no coincidence. Obviously Serbian churches were destroyed; but such one-sided portrayals were mirror images of Croatian publications. This even

in Balkan holocausts?
Open Access (free)
Cécile Laborde

in this direction in this chapter through an elucidation of the meaning of the pivotal concept invoked throughout the headscarves debate, laïcité – for which the best (if unsatisfactory) translation remains ‘secularism’. Although the word itself did not appear until the end of the nineteenth century, the origins of laïcité are usually traced back to the French revolution, which brutally accelerated a century-long process of autonomisation of the civil government from the Catholic Church. After a century of veiled confrontation and failed compromise between the two

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Open Access (free)
Religious influences on the depictions of science in mainstream movies
David A. Kirby and Amy C. Chambers

script stage indicates how lenient Joy’s interpretation of the Code was before 1934. 1934–1966: controlling stories about science in the age of censorship From the perspective of religious protestors, the Hays Office’s failure to rigorously enforce the Production Code meant that movies were just as morally problematic as they were before its adoption. In response, Will Hays created the Production Code Administration (PCA) as a way to curtail calls by religious groups for a government censorship organisation (Black, 1996). This pressure also led the Catholic Church to

in Science and the politics of openness
Open Access (free)
Competing claims to national identity
Alex J. Bellamy

unfavourably compared to the Bosnian Croats, for example. The issue of overlapping identities was also evident in the study of the Roman Catholic Church. Franjoism identified Croatia as the antemurale christianitatis. According to the HDZ, Croatia was defined by its association with the Roman Catholic Church. For centuries Croatia stood as the bulwark against Islamic and Orthodox Christian expansion into Western Europe. Thus, when Croatia went to war in 1991, ‘the cross of Christ [stood] next to the Croatian flag’.15 However, the Catholic Church views itself as a

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Stuart White

uncontroversial right to discriminate (at least in the case of appointments to the priesthood and the like) in favour of those who hold the association’s beliefs. If, as in the case of the Roman Catholic Church, it is a part of a given Church’s established belief system that only men can be priests, then a woman who demands access to the priesthood apparently reveals herself to have unorthodox beliefs; and so, the argument runs, her exclusion from the priesthood is already entailed by the uncontroversial right to restrict the priesthood to orthodox believers. However, in many

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Open Access (free)
The Second World War and the Balkan Historikerstreit
David Bruce MacDonald

. While Bosnia-Hercegovina was joined to the NDH in compensation, many nationalists felt betrayed by a reduction in their territory.7 As well, many Ustaša officers and soldiers were poorly trained, and Pavelić’s distinct lack of charisma and inability to hold mass rallies reduced his exposure among the population. Nevertheless, the lack of credible resistance was also noticeable. Both the Croatian Peasants Party and the Catholic Church remained largely passive.8 At the same time, a degree of support for the regime existed, and large numbers of Croats did join the

in Balkan holocausts?
Open Access (free)
Alex J. Bellamy

Catholic Church and the Croatian language – reveal the ways in which national identity has a material day-to-day quality as well as an abstract MUP_Bellamy_01_Intro 5 9/3/03, 9:18 T   C   6 content. National identity becomes embedded in the lived experiences of national subjects. Although ideas about the nation can be seen in each of these areas, the meaning of what it was to be Croatian was constantly reinterpreted. Thus Chapters 5 and 6 identify many accounts of national identity that are laced with inconsistencies and

in The formation of Croatian national identity
David Bruce MacDonald

‘Serbophobia’, its meaning was clearly implied. There were others, however, who did elaborate on the phenomenon. Smilja Avramov (an adviser to Milošević) overtly compared the persecution of Serbs with that of the Jews in history: ‘The departure point for the genocide of the Jews was anti-Semitism, and of the Serbs, Serbophobia.’101 Both movements were morally equal, according to Avramov, and each was to be found in a variety of different countries. By Avramov’s definition, Serbophobia was closely tied to the Catholic Church, and was operationalised historically through the

in Balkan holocausts?