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Regnar Kristensen

Catholicism may prevent the soul from leaving the dead body for purgatory, and that this provides the ground from which ‘bone-trapped’, restless spirits can terrorise the living. The story of Beltrán Leyva’s corpse In the days after the killing of Beltrán Leyva, images of his corpse were broadcast in the Mexican and world media. The blood-covered corpse was shown with bullet holes and a disfigured arm. It was, moreover, stripped naked and covered with pesos and dollar bills soaked in his blood. On his stomach, somebody had placed several religious amulets and a paper slip

in Governing the dead
The Catholic challenge during the Thirty Years’ War
Alison Rowlands

firmly embedded in, and expressive of, this wider context of religious conflict, in which a beleaguered Lutheranism appeared to be fighting for its survival against the resurgent forces of counterreformation Catholicism. 106 WITCHCRAFT NARRATIVES IN GERMANY Unable to pray: Margaretha Hörber’s tale of witchcraft, 1627 In the early years of the Thirty Years’ War, between 1622 and 1631, Rothenburg’s subjects were forced to endure the almost continual mustering and quartering of imperial and Catholic League troops in the city’s hinterland.2 In line with a long tradition

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany
witchcraft on the borderline of religion and magic
Éva Pócs

the religious systems into which popular witchcraft was, in our presumption, integrated in some of the realms of Orthodoxy in south-east Europe. We have parallels from present-day south-east Europe about the intertwining systems of popular and church divination, but such parallels are even more frequent in the medieval and early modern period of Western Catholicism. Todorova-Pirgova has writen about ‘religious magicians’ in Bulgaria, who conduct

in Witchcraft Continued
Open Access (free)
Eric Pudney

devil. It is at this point that Shadwell mentions the Catholic Church, which he compares to the ‘religion’ of witchcraft. The final reference to the ‘Church of the Devil’, as a result, has a touch of ambiguity about it: the phrase seems to refer to witchcraft, but it might also refer to Catholicism. Witchcraft may not be real, but a ‘Religion of the Devil’ certainly is. While The Late Lancashire Witches is the source for many of the spectacular incidents in Shadwell’s play – witches transforming themselves into cats, disappearing hares, and so on – there are

in Scepticism and belief in English witchcraft drama, 1538–1681
Journeys through postmodern Dublin
David Slattery

of pure Irish asexual consciousness, where, in 1916, Catholic Ireland rose up to throw off the yoke of the cosmopolitanism of colonial consciousness. Harvey wondered why Irish nationalism was involved with philately and we looked forward to his removal from the narrative. I informed my audience that not since medieval times had sin been an object of such commercial focus in Dublin. Contemporary Dublin sees sex released from its necessary association with Catholicism and freed into a general regime of commodification. Irish sin, or sex, is transformed in postmodern

in The end of Irish history?
Open Access (free)
The cartographic consciousness of Irish gothic fiction
Christina Morin

of events by which its eponymous protagonist becomes embroiled in, and condemned for, treasonous plotting against the queen. Although he has been committed from his youth by his zealously Catholic father to such activity, Babington finds himself appalled by the sectarian horrors he witnesses and is convinced of ‘the consequences of rebellion and disturbance’. 57 Nevertheless, Catholicism repeatedly overcomes Babington's better nature and the ‘glimmerings of a Protestant conscience’ that momentarily cause him to hesitate in his loyalty to his father's religion. 58

in The gothic novel in Ireland, c. 1760–1829
Author: Jacopo Pili

Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
Alison Forrestal

episcopacy that occurred through the Tridentine period, for it hides the debates and the developments in episcopal theology and practice that preoccupied bishops and other reformers. That flux was nowhere more evident than in the French church, one of the major bastions of catholicism, with an overwhelmingly Catholic population and monarchs who prided themselves on the impeccable Catholic credentials of ‘most Christian king’ and ‘eldest son of the Church’. Amid the vigorous reform currents of this seventeenth-century realm, there arose an unprecedented debate on the nature

in Fathers, pastors and kings