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Constructing security in historical perspective
Jonathan B. Isacoff

; b 1992, estimated. Source : Central Intelligence Agency 2000 . The consolidation of Israeli militarism: David Ben-Gurion v. Moshe Sharett The Ben-Gurion v. the Sharett ‘lines’ During the late

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Simon Mabon

of residents’, which was central to the broader Zionist project.57 In support of this, a subcommittee was established, focusing entirely upon industry in Jerusalem to facilitate its rebirth. For David Ben Gurion, the subcommittee was to facilitate a rise in ‘Jewish settlement in Jerusalem and its environs, to rehabilitate and strengthen its economic basis, and to ensure that the capital of our country will have a Jewish majority in population and building’.58 In spite of such demands, before the establishment of Israel in 1948 Jerusalem became peripheral to the

in Houses built on sand
Attitudes towards subversive movements and violent organisations
Ami Pedahzur

surprising odds with the fact that in its struggle against political parties the inchoate Government of Israel suffered from a dearth of measures in its effort to protect itself from radical political manifestations, we find that in regard to (extra-parliamentary) extremist movements and violent uprisings Israel tended, even in its early days, to adopt highly rigorous forms of warfare against subversive groups. This approach is given prominence in the words of the first prime minister of Israel, David Ben-Gurion, only a short time after the founding of the State

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

Israel, David Ben Gurion, argued that ‘there were no others’44 and ultimately that Palestine was the ideal choice for settlement.45 Yet it was the transformation of life on the ground that would have the most lasting impact, as land was bought by Zionists while more directly, groups such as the Haganah, Irgun and Stern Gang engaged in violence against Palestinian Arabs. After the establishment of the United Nations (UN), a partition plan for Palestine was approved by UN General Assembly Council Resolution 181 on 29 November 1947, which called for the partition of

in Houses built on sand
Open Access (free)
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
Ami Pedahzur

replace the voluntary networks. The sovereignty, or ‘statehood’, orientation took root in this country. Its leading proponent was Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, who subscribed to the view that the satisfactory absorption of ‘Israelis’ immigrating from the numerous and varied countries of the Diaspora required a coalescence of the different sectors and the cultivation of a political–sovereign perception. According to this view, the State’s interests stand above all organisational interests or groups making up these bodies. 28 In operational terms, the ‘statehood

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Hannah Arendt’s Jewish writings
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

Convention or in the final text. Arendt's determination to write about the Eichmann trial was triggered by the fact that the prosecution of a key architect and administrator of the ‘final solution’ directly raised the human meaning of genocidal antisemitism. 59 At one point Arendt wrote rather hyperbolically of David Ben-Gurion, Prime Minister of Israel, that he was trying to turn the

in Antisemitism and the left
Amikam Nachmani

Two characteristics formerly featuring prominently in Israeli–Turkish relations have vanished from the scene of late. There is now no trace of the “mistress syndrome,” the low profile, to revert to the terms of the complaint voiced by Israel’s first Prime Minister, David Ben Gurion. 1 Dr Uri Gordon, the first Israeli Ambassador to Turkey – representation at ambassadorial level, not legation, began in late 1991 – who had started on August 1990 as Chargé d’Affaires in the Israeli Legation in Ankara, and became the first Ambassador on 31

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
Open Access (free)
Rhiannon Vickers

Britain’s relations with the wider Muslim world, which were extensive due to its Commonwealth connections. As Britain was unable to resolve the conflict, and its recommendation for a bi-national state had been rejected, it returned its mandate to the UN in 1947. The UN recommended the partition of Palestine between the Palestinians and the Jews, but both groups also rejected this proposal. Britain withdrew its troops on 14 May 1948, leaving the Jews and the Arabs to settle the matter themselves.31 David Ben-Gurion immediately declared Israel’s independence under his

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
The social sphere
Ami Pedahzur

citizenship studies underscored the absolute right of the Jewish people to the land of Israel, while disregarding the interests of local Arab residents or at the most revealing a patronising attitude towards them and depicting them as backward natives. 14 The insemination of ethno-national principles by means of the education system did not end with the Proclamation of Independence in 1948. Approximately four years later, the ethnic component attained formal status in the educational system. As part of the first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion’s vision

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Ami Pedahzur

-State era when all Jewish settlement in Israel was governed by a political elite originating from Eastern Europe. Members of this elite brought with them a worldview according to which only a centralist and strong state capable of mobilising its people could lead to the realisation of national goals, foremost among which was the need to establish a stable Jewish sovereignty in the land of Israel. In line with this vision, a centralised and paternalistic state or, as termed by Yishai, a ‘guided democracy’, was instituted in Israel. It was David Ben-Gurion, the first prime

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence