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migrants from the Sea-Watch 3 ( Longhin, 2019 ). 15 On the history of the DGzRS, see Anders et al. (1997) and Claußen (2015) . 16 On the sinking of the Johanna , see Schramm (2009) . 17 Arguably, the idea of Europe was also challenged by the Eurozone countries’ response to the Greek debt crisis, and the German Willkommenskultur was also a reaction to the reputational damage perceived by Germans as a result of Germany’s role in that response (see Neumann, 2016 ). 18 An article in the online edition of the Bremen daily Weser
before a new attempt could be broached. One more time, the right momentum was necessary to facilitate the relaunch of the negotiations. The economic environment was completely different from 2004. At this moment Europe was recovering from a financial crisis and from a weak eurozone, while the international crisis had not had that much of an effect in Latin America. However, in 2004 Brazil and Argentina were recovering from the economic crisis of the late 1990s and early 2000s. The negotiations between the EU and other Latin American regional groups and individual
broadsheet newspapers take a more measured view. Traditional Conservative-supporting papers like the Telegraph, the Daily Mail and the Express have argued against further integration, while the others, such as the Times, Independent and Guardian have tended take a more detached view, printing both sides of the case and refusing to make a firm commitment either way. In the referendum to come, they will probably have to come off the fence. In 2002 it seemed likely that most of the broadsheets are likely to favour entry into the euro-zone. Britain and the European Union 261
size of the euro-zone will create a bigger and more stable world currency – indeed it will become the dominant world currency, replacing the dollar in that position. European Union issues ● 241 In terms of geopolitics, Europe will become a major world power (provided it succeeds in being able to develop a common position of foreign policy). This may bring benefits in terms of trade and stability. Potential problems The effects of enlargement are not all one-sided. It is recognised that many problems will emerge. Most European politicians believe that the balance
; Reinhart and Rogoff 2009). Indeed, the current crisis in the Eurozone is attributable to fears of default related to the prospects for economic growth in some European countries. Without perpetual and exponential growth, in other words, a debtbased monetary system cannot be sustained; furthermore, the rate of growth experienced over the past three centuries could not have been maintained without the fortuitous availability of affordable energy, first in the form of coal and then in the form of oil and gas. In sum, we suggest that the ownership, production, and allocation
climate change. This is to be explained as the result of growing multipolarity and politicians privileging national over global interests. Habermas (2012) and Beck 124 John Dewey (2013) find the Eurozone crisis to be a political rather than economic problem, which stems from national and European elites perpetuating forms of ‘post-democratic bureaucratic rule’ and the lack of a European identity and public sphere amongst the citizens of European nation states. Bottom-up advocates such as Dryzek (2012) point to the inability of global civil society to achieve
1995 2000 2001 2002 2003 15.8 5.7 12.1 14.6 7.0 12.9 12.8 7.1 11.6 14.6 11.2 11.4 14.7 11.3 10.6 13.5 10.5 10.1 12.9 10.2 9.9 Revenue Statistics 1965–2003, OECD 2004a: p.19 reforms and fiscal policy towards the management of debt levels over the cycle. While not abandoning the pact, the new agreement weakened its impact, to the extent that the Governing Council of the European Central Bank expressed serious concern over the future sustainability of public finances in the eurozone. It was an important recognition that budget balances are subject to
than on a definite federal system. This federalist attitude, associated with Belgium and the Netherlands, explains their unhappiness with the pillar structure of the TEU and their support during the 1996–97 IGC for a progressive inclusion of the two intergovernmental pillars into the supranational pillar one. Since the Maastricht Treaty has entered into force, membership of the Euro-Zone has been the main priority for the Belgian government. The latter took important measures to decrease public debt which fell from 7.2 per cent in 1993 to under 3 per cent in 1997 (in
. Therefore, countries must be subject to fiscal disciplines, i.e. to keep borrowing down to a reasonable level. This principle has been enshrined in the so-called ‘stability pact’ among member states. To demonstrate its importance, even Germany, the Union’s biggest economy, received a warning over its high borrowing levels early in 2002. The ECB is charged with the task of maintaining the three principles described above. It does this by controlling money supply, setting an interest rate for the euro-zone and by ensuring that members keep within set borrowing levels
aimed at reducing spending, rather than reduce deficits, illustrated the power of dirigiste instincts. As Howarth notes, the ‘stabilisation goal of “economic government” was clearly not prioritised by the Jospin Government – despite the constant assurances of Socialist finance ministers to their Euro-Zone counterparts and the international financial markets’ (2004: 20). This set in train the almost inevitable French breaches of SGP targets that were to follow between 2002 and 2004. This provided the background to what would become, under the Raffarin Government, a