Search results

You are looking at 1 - 9 of 9 items for :

  • "Insurgency" x
  • Manchester Security, Conflict & Peace x
  • Refine by access: Open access content x
Clear All
Open Access (free)
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

Muslims, which in instances of liberation wars were committed first by the Christian insurgents, who had opted for the use of violence, with the Ottomans over-reacting (in the Greek and Bulgarian cases) and then facing the wrath of ‘civilized’ Europe. Military intervention was never contemplated for the excesses and barbarities of the British in Jamaica, South Africa and elsewhere in Africa, the French and Belgians in Africa, quasi-genocide in British Australia or US policy

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

, dying’, ‘three hundred years behind the rest of the world’. 23 Moreover, in the racist narrative dominant in the country, the ‘Anglo-Saxon race’, the Americans in particular, were regarded the ‘superior race’, with the Africans and American Indians at the lowest scale, and Latin people, such as the Spaniards, somewhere between the two extremes. At various times during 1895–98 the Cuban insurgents were disparaged on the basis that the majority of fighters were Afro-Cubans and

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

chose qu’intervention’. 7 In the nineteenth century, the concept of ‘belligerency’ was applicable in internal wars: another state could recognize insurgents as ‘belligerents’ provided the armed conflict met certain criteria, the so-called ‘factual test’ (protracted armed conflict, insurgents administering a large portion of a state’s territory, insurgents headed by a responsible authority and so on). 8 Recognition of belligerency did not imply diplomatic

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
A bird’s eye view of intervention with emphasis on Britain, 1875–78
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

an anonymous Bulgarian to a consul’ (he meant Baring) – another phrase that stuck. 33 But Disraeli complained to Derby that he had not been given accurate information. 34 The person responsible for the lack of adequate information was Elliot, who believed that the insurgents themselves were guilty of ‘revolting barbarities’ 35 and was convinced that all the insurgencies were Russian plots orchestrated by his arch-rival in

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Between humanitarianism and pragmatism
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

adequate protection of the insurgents. According to Richard Wortman, Alexander in his speech sought ‘to show himself acting in concert with his people and taking account of public opinion’. 38 Aksakov’s wife, Anna Aksakova (daughter of the famous poet and diplomat Tyuchev), wrote in her diary that the Tsar was clearly moved by what he said and this was also the case with his wife and his son (the future Alexander III), who were present. Many of the listeners shed tears

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Pertti Joenniemi

’, ‘pathological anarchies’ and ‘insurgencies’. Other new terms (such as N. Theyer’s ‘wars without reason’, Alain Minc’s zones grises – i.e. geographical and social areas where the rule of law does not apply – and Philip Cerny’s notion of ‘insecurity from below’), also indicate that essential changes are taking place. 15 It therefore appears that the concept of war, in defying

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Tami Amanda Jacoby

. Although the possibility of inter-state war remains greatly reduced in the peace process era, counter-insurgency and counter-guerrilla warfare has risen as a top security concern in Israel. These violent measures are not contained within the battlefield as traditionally defined, and threaten civilian targets, including women and children, in all areas of Israel, both public and private. As a result of the impasse in

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

Three years after its initial deployment, KFOR strength had dropped to approximately 35,000 with further reductions to around 30,000 being mooted. 5 In addition to SFOR and KFOR, NATO deployed troops to Macedonia from the summer of 2001 to assist in ending the insurgency in that country and to support the implementation of the internal political settlement. 6 Although small in overall numbers, the

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

for the plight of the Muslims at the hands of the Christian insurgents. 154 Here we will limit ourselves to a few cursory remarks on the official Ottoman response and on the stance of the Ottoman opposition. When intervention was afoot, the attitude of the Porte was, at times, one of rejection and outrage, as we will see in the Greek case of great power involvement in 1821–32 ( chapter 6 ) and with the Balkan uprisings of 1876–78 ( chapter 9 ), or, at

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century