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Suzanne Conklin Akbari

intercessory role is referred to only in a negative sense, in Turpin’s condemnation, which may reflect attitudes toward mediation (whether through images or through saints) during the last decade of the fourteenth century. (Here I disagree with Hardman’s argument that the poem displays ‘a devotion to the Virgin’ (‘Sege’, p. 79).) Nicholas Watson has argued that the short text of Julian of Norwich’s Revelation of Divine Love should be assigned a date after 1400 based on its reflection of contemporary attitudes toward images. See ‘The composition of Julian of Norwich’s

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

and London: University of California Press, 1987); eadem, Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion (New York: Zone, 1991). F. Beer, Women and Mystical Experience in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1992), studies three medieval mystics: Hildegard of Bingen, Julian of Norwich and Mechtild of Magdeburg; V. M. Lagario, ‘The medieval Continental women mystics: an introduction’, in P. E. Szarmach (ed.), An Introduction to the Medieval Mystics of Europe: Fourteen Original Essays (New York: State University of New York

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Eric Pudney

scepticism towards accusations of witchcraft.141 However, while the Protestant Reformation in England had a strongly sceptical strand to it, it is also associated with greater emphasis being placed on the role of the devil. The devil had been a less important feature of medieval religion; in fact, the medieval mystic Julian of Norwich, encountering the devil in a dream, laughed contemptuously at his weakness.142 Medieval jestbooks and plays often treated the devil as a buffoonish character, easily tricked or even defeated in physical combat by a human being. The

in Scepticism and belief in English witchcraft drama, 1538–1681