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. The Ascendancy was very much a Protestant garrison, and the Irish political system, very similar in structure to that of Britain, was an Anglican preserve. Ireland was perceived in Britain as an imperial problem, but it was one complicated by many political and personal links that spanned the Irish Sea. Ireland was ruled by a Lord-Lieutenant, always a British peer, in the name of George III, who therefore took a personal interest in appointments. The Viceroy formed part of the ministry in London, and a change there almost always entailed a replacement in Dublin. The

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explained the behaviour of about half this number, and perhaps also of some independent MPs.19 There is no direct reference in Grafton’s memoirs to the Parliamentary situation, but that it was more than the difficulty of reconstructing the ministry that drove him to resign can be seen from his letter of explanation to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland on 30 January. The death of Charles Yorke and the ‘inability’ to find a Lord Chancellor, he wrote, ‘made it unwarrantable for me to stand for the adviser of measures to be discussed only in another place, where I could give no

in George III
Political re-alignments

19/8/02 11:48 am Page 191 The Chatham ministry II (1767–1768) 191 The third ongoing major problem, Ireland, would not attract attention at Westminister, being as yet a matter only for King and cabinet. Lord Townshend’s 1767 appointment as Lord-Lieutenant was intended to implement the decision of the Grenville cabinet in 1765, that henceforth Ireland would be directly ruled by a viceroy living in Dublin Castle. That idea was dropped by the Rockingham ministry, but revived by George III and Chatham in 1766. Lord Bristol had let them down, but Lord Townshend, a

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The Middlesex Election and the Townshend Duties Crisis

opposition, and a final showdown was precipitated when on 21 November their Chap 9 19/8/02 11:49 am Page 215 The Grafton ministry (1768–1770) 215 factions defeated an Irish Money Bill by 94 votes to 71, because it had originated in the Privy Council not the Commons: that reason opened up a disputed interpretation of Poyning’s Law, a challenge that could not be ignored by the British government. George III reacted with anger, recalling how in 1761 the Undertakers had supported the Lord Lieutenant in a similar confrontation. In a letter of 29 November to Prime

in George III
Wilkes and America

situation. Therein lies the truth of a retrospective comment by an unidentified official. ‘Mr Grenville lost America because he read the American dispatches, which his predecessors had never done.’69 The same motivation of tighter imperial control led the Grenville ministry into an important policy decision concerning Ireland. The matter had not been given priority. The ministry, with many other problems calling for attention, sent its new Lord-Lieutenant Northumberland to Ireland with instructions to cooperate with the Undertakers, ‘to temporize with the evil’, as

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Peace and cider

Chancellor, Lord Egremont as Southern Secretary, the Duke of Bedford as Lord Privy Seal, and Lord Ligonier, though now eighty-two, as army Commander-in-Chief and MasterGeneral of the Ordnance. When Lord Anson, retained at the Admiralty, died on 6 June, Lord Melcombe refused the post on grounds of ill health, but though without office was now summoned to attend cabinet, as Hardwicke and Devonshire had been under Newcastle, since Bute could count on his support: but he died on 28 July. Lord Halifax was appointed, being permitted to retain his absentee high-salary Lord-Lieutenancy

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The cartographic consciousness of Irish gothic fiction

suggests a deep-seated concern with exclusively Irish, not British, national valorisation. Recommending Amana to the attention of Elizabeth Percy, the Countess of Northumberland, whose husband acted as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland from 1763 to 1765, Griffith reminds Percy of her family lineage, extolling ‘the names of Percy and Seymour ’ as virtually synonymous with ‘Liberty’ and ‘Glory’ ( Amana , [p. v]). She moreover praises Percy herself for her ‘humanity, benevolence and affability’, calling the latter ‘the characteristic of true nobility, in opposition to that

in The gothic novel in Ireland, c. 1760–1829
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The clergy and emigration in principle

Famine than they had been before.111 Several of them contacted government officials to register their feelings on the matter. A ‘resident rector’ of Leinster wrote to the Lord Lieutenant’s office in favour,112 and in a later address to the new Lord Lieutenant, the Remonstrant Synod of Ulster (a body of non-subscribing Presbyterians) called for ‘a well-regulated and extensive system of colonisation’.113 Set against this were an Anglican minister from Cavan who brought up the familiar Malthusian objection to emigration – ‘it is like tapping the dropsical patient […] the

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The Stamp Act Crisis

residence for the Viceroy. John Ponsonby was closely related to the influential Cavendish family, a chief prop of the new administration, and correctly anticipated little interference from the new regime. ‘What matters it to us who are ministers in England? Let us stick to our own circle and manage our own little game as well as we can.’16 The new Lord-Lieutenant was the Earl of Hertford sent as ambassador to Paris as consolation for not obtaining the same post in 1763. Now he was pushed for it by the Duke of Cumberland and his own younger brother Henry Conway, Commons

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War and peace

the prospect of a cabinet post at home, was unwilling to play any such role, and left Ireland on 1 May. He nevertheless retained the office of Lord-Lieutenant throughout the Bute ministry, for the Irish Parliament was enjoying a biennial recess. Notes 1 BL Add. MSS. 51406, fo. 57. 2 He recorded both the original and the altered wording. Leicester House Politics, pp. 214–15. 3 Devonshire Diary, p. 89. 4 Namier, Age, pp. 120–1. 5 Leicester House Politics, p. 216. 6 BL Add. MSS. 32913, fo. 399. 7 Devonshire Diary, p. 43. 8 Namier, Age, pp. 122–6. 9 BL Add. MSS. 32913

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