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to Nancy Scheper-Hughes (1992 : 221), in modern societies, ‘the institutions of violence generally operate more covertly’ through experts in a number of fields, in speeches, imaginaries and sentiment. The violence exerted in a concealed manner is characterised by Michel Foucault (1991) through the concept of ‘security mechanisms’ and by Didier Fassin (2012) through ‘humanitarian government’. Scheper-Hughes (1992 : 221) speaks of the ‘“softer” forms of social control, the gloved hand of the state’. Resilience and humanitarian language are techniques that
descriptions of refugees’ lives prior to displacement. Instead, this paper uses the concept of ‘resistance’. Lila Abu-Lughod (1990) argues resistance should be viewed as a ‘diagnostic’ of power (42), drawing on Michel Foucault’s (1978) assertion that ‘[w]here there is power, there is resistance’ (95). Resistance can ‘bring to light power relations’ ( Foucault, 1982 : 780). This approach of exploring resistance points more clearly to power, while in contrast, exploring
of recent perspectives from sound studies. I also believe that the thought of Michel Foucault is pertinent to issues of discipline and governmentality of and through sound, despite his association with vision and technologies of making visible. Specifically, I highlight three strategies or micropractices of power that the clergy are using to take control of the soundscape of the Pollino sanctuary: first, they are using demarcations of space to identify certain sounds as noise; secondly, they are encouraging a passive experience of sound to create ethical listeners
(chapter 8) taps into a radical psychiatric tradition which has frequently appealed to anarchists for its critique of dominant constructed notions of reality. This is one of the reasons for the attraction of Michel Foucault’s work to many anarchists. Certainly the way that Gore looks at the discourses around creativity and art, as well as those of mental health and normality, is reminiscent of this analytic approach. Gore’s and Bowen’s chapters concentrate on education, age, communication and the importance of art and creativity in the libertarian struggle, something
Conclusion Birgit Lang, Joy Damousi and Alison Lewis This volume delineates the changing forms of the case study across disciplines and decades, mapping circuits of knowledge through which the sexed and gendered human subject became a persistently urgent topic of enquiry in the Western world. A History of the Case Study presents an analysis of case writing about the human subject from a critical juncture in its formation in the second half of the nineteenth century, when, as claimed by Michel Foucault, sexuality came to be regarded as a conceptual part of human
this narrative, it quickly runs into difficulties. Several figures are hard to place. Are Jacques Lacan and Louis Althusser structuralists or post-structuralists? It is generally assumed that we can distinguish between an early and late Michel Foucault. But in a 1983 interview that is well beyond his putative break with structuralism, Foucault rejected ‘post-structuralist’ as a description of his work. 1 Even the archetypal post-structuralist, Jacques Derrida, refused the label. 2 To a certain extent
ethical standpoints. To probe the intellectual framework existing today for the recognition of the object ‘body/corpse’, we invited the political scientist Yehonatan Alsheh to examine the concept of biopower, in chapter 1. This HRMV.indb 4 01/09/2014 17:28:32 Introduction 5 theory – developed by Michel Foucault – has in effect become the most commonly used tool of reference in the social and political sciences when it is necessary to address the relationships of power exerted on bodies and to study the punitive or disciplinary pro cedures deployed by states. In
same period. Across critical security studies, changes in security are interpreted and widely discussed, in the spirit of Max Weber, as processes of bureaucratic rationalisation, the privatisation of and ‘(de)differentiation’ between social and professional universes (Bigo 2002 ; 2014 ). The rediscovery of Michel Foucault ( 1977 ) and Ulrich Beck’s ( 1999 ) notions of dispositif and risk society
intellectuals as experts 29 2 1 Intellectuals as experts Those who are charged with saying what counts as true – Michel Foucault2 As I am writing this chapter, the news is heartbreaking: floods in India, Nepal and Bangladesh displacing millions and killing thousands – a taster of climate change to come; the resurgence of fears of nuclear war and ill-chosen jokes about Armageddon from those who have not experienced this fear as real; a US president who equates armed neo-Nazis in Charlottesville with anti-fascist protesters and sanctions police brutality; a
of French cinema in the 1970s Michel Foucault argued that recent French films (featuring the French Resistance) were engaged in ‘a battle . . . to reprogramme . . . the “popular memory”; and . . . to . . . impose on people a framework in which to interpret the present . . . So people are shown not what they were, but what they must remember having been.’ 17 Although I reject Foucault’s rather crude