much traditional analysis of foreign policy has been grounded on realist
assumptions about international anarchy and the state as ‘coherent
units’ (Keohane and Nye 1977 : 24), there is a pressing need for conceptual and theoretical
innovation in this field.
New conceptual tools are particularly needed for analysing the
external relations of the European Union, given its sui generis
nature. Neo-realism offers little of value
German security policy since 1989. The aim of this chapter, consequently, is to consider the concept of strategic culture in greater detail
and to locate it within the ﬁeld of security studies.
Neo-realism and German normalisation
As the Cold War came to a close, a frenzy of analysis on the future
of German security policy emerged. Consideration of how German
post-Cold War security policy might develop reﬂected a far broader
and fundamental discussion, within the discipline of international
Longhurst, Germany and the use of force
relations, this study will deploy a combination of several to capture its complex reality.
The Middle East is arguably the epicentre of world crisis, chronically war-prone and the site of the world’s most protracted conflicts. It appears to be the region where the anarchy and insecurity seen by the realist school of international politics as the main feature of states systems remains most in evidence and where the realist paradigm retains its greatest relevance. Yet neo-realism’s 1 a-historical tendency to assume states systems to be unchanging
Juvenile actors and humanitarian sentiment in the 1940s
“art,” are awash with the same trappings of sentimentality … that are
often considered negative in “commercial” narrative films’. 38 Karl Schoonover has
discussed the international reception of Italian neorealism in relation to ‘the emergence of a new visual politics of
liberal compassion’ and argues that for both American and European
commentators alike ‘an emergent realist aesthetic of cinema could build
new vectors of post
). This was another facet
of the ‘Greek exception’ (alongside it being the only post-Civil War
European country to receive the MP aid), because most of the MP films
about a specific country were directed by national filmmakers, sometimes
building on the country’s cinematographic and documentary tradition, as
in the cases of Italy (neorealism) and the UK (the British Documentary
Movement). Many MP films
-state actors, but not regimes,
while neo-realism downplays the influence and role of both
regimes and non-state actors. Thus, Arts (2000) argues that relevant theories emphasise either regimes or non-state actors, or
neither regimes nor non-state actors.3 A number of studies,
however, show that non-state actors frequently make a difference
in international cooperation.4 The roles of environmental nongovernmental organisations (ENGOs) and the scientific community have received increased attention, while the role of
companies in international environmental politics has, until
peace-building programmes. While each side needs to
adjust and accommodate to the other, the onus is on US and European officials to take the lead in encouraging, funding, coordinating and smoothing
the way for the NGOs to do their work in places like Bosnia, Macedonia and
Karabagh. Such a transformation does not presently seem to be in the offing.
And that means that peace in all three regions will remain tenuous at best.
1 Randall L. Schweller, ‘Neorealism’s Status Quo Bias: What Security Dilemma?’,
Security Studies, 5:3 (1996), pp. 90–121.
2 A recent
It is clear from the above that CFSP
presents a serious challenge to mainstream international relations theory.
This challenge is two-fold. First, traditionally dominant strands of
international relations theory, such as (neo)-realism or neo-liberal
institutionalism, appear ill-equipped to account for some of the defining
characteristics of CFSP. The traditional realist paradigm, with its emphasis
on differing national
Sequence and the rise of auteurism in 1950s Britain
and to judge its success in achieving that object. This does not mean
accepting every film at its own valuation; it means allowing every film
to justify itself by its own standards, not by our
Anderson was thus advocating a basically aesthetic approach to the art
of film. In a later article, ‘A Possible Solution’ (1948),
Anderson was enthusiastic about Italian neorealism, the
Peace’, American Political Science Review, 96:1 (2002), pp. 1–14.
Jervis, ‘Theories of War’, p. 8. On the last condition, see Randall L. Schweller,
‘Neorealism’s Status Quo Bias: What Security Dilemma?’, Security Studies, 5:3
(1996), pp. 90–121; and Mark W. Zacher, ‘The Territorial Integrity Norm:
International Boundaries and the Use of Force’, International Organization, 55:2
(2001), pp. 215–50.
Ibid., p. 7.
See James Sperling and Emil Kirchner, ‘The Security Architectures and
Institutional Features of Post-1989 Europe’, Journal of European