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Dominant approaches
M. Anne Brown

‘denominational’ or partial values – and moreover that we have it, remain powerful assumptions within contemporary political debate. These assumptions can be distinguished from a recognition of the need of mechanisms for the adjudication of disputes. Marking a sharp disjunction with much premodern (and modern absolutist or legalist) European political thought, the rights of the citizen were not understood as the gift of the sovereign, to be extended or withdrawn at will. This remains a critical defining feature of the notion of human rights. For the story

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Volker M. Heins

their former colonies sparked another, much better known conceptual innovation when Jeremy Bentham first introduced the new word ‘international’ in the vocabulary of legal and political thought (Armitage 2013 : 179). Interestingly, the initial testing ground for disciplinary techniques of ‘assimilation’ in what then looked like an increasingly ‘international’ world was the

in Recognition and Global Politics
Tarik Kochi

operating on and across a variety of differing registers. One result of this new line of Hegel-interpretation has been the take-up of a concept of recognition as something of a stand-alone theory within political thought more generally. In particular the very popular philosophical exchange around the concept of recognition between Axel Honneth and Nancy Fraser (Fraser and Honneth 2003

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
Evil, Genocide and the Limits of Recognition
Patrick Hayden

considering some of the ways that genocide can be said to constitute a special type of harm, appropriately considered evil, which aims at and results in the irretrievable loss of plural human worlds. Recognition and its limits: From harm to evil Human vulnerability and the problem of harm have been ascendant in recent international political thought. The influential work of Andrew

in Recognition and Global Politics
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

political thought in the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries’ (Anter 2014: 48). Contemporary historical sociology has added nuances to a Weberian state theory that many consider unfinished (Anter 2014: 1–2; Mann 1993: 58). Mann’s ‘institutional statism’ sought to synthesise two currents that until then had seen the state either as a place to host particular interests or as an actor, entirely driven by an elite administration. Mann’s categorisation allows us to see some of the flaws in the approaches to the conflict in the DRC and current peacebuilding policy

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Open Access (free)
M. Anne Brown

formalistic, the dispute would likely be seen by Nandy in terms of East Asia trying to beat the West at its own game. Four themes dominate criticisms by certain East Asian governments and intellectuals of Western (or, more precisely, liberal) models of rights. These are: the individualistic focus of liberal rights; their antagonistic form, as opposed to models of harmony in, most prominently, Confucian political thought; the primacy given to civil and political rights at the expense of economic development; and the promotion of rights as essentially a

in Human rights and the borders of suffering