Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 38 items for :

  • "Reparations" x
  • Refine by access: Open access content x
Clear All
Anne Marie Losonczy

Since the early 1990s, armed actors have invaded territories in the Chocó and Antioquia departments of Colombia, inhabited by Afro-Colombians and Indians whose collective rights in these territories had recently been legally recognised. Based on long-term fieldwork among the Emberá Katío, this article examines social, cosmological and ritual alterations and re-organisation around violent death. Following a national policy of post-conflict reparations, public exhumations and identifications of human remains reveal new local modes of understanding and administration. In particular, suicide, hitherto completely unknown to the Emberá, broke out in a multitude of cases, mostly among the youth. Local discourse attributes this phenomenon to the number of stray corpses resulting from the violence, who are transformed into murderous spirits which shamans can no longer control. The analysis focusses on the unprecedented articulation of a renewed eschatology, the intricate effects of an internal political reorganisation and the simultaneous inroad into their space of new forms of armed insurrectional violence. Thus the article will shed light on the emergence of a new transitional moral economy of death among the Emberá.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Sophie Roborgh

2286 mention ‘[p]roviding reparations and assistance to victims and restoring essential services’ only as their final point ( UN Secretary-General, 2016 : 10, Recommendation 13). It also overlooks the fact that incident accounts have value in themselves for those providing them. Currently, contributors’ accounts can be excluded for failing to meet the (externally imposed) threshold, even though it is concern for the lives of these same healthcare workers and the broader

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Resilience and the Language of Compassion
Diego I. Meza

, capable of overcoming or adapting to the shocks of the neoliberal economic order – or to justify a certain political order. Namely, many forms of reparations and compensations ‘translated into forms of governance and investments that recruit already registered employees into profitable activities and numeric indicators’ ( Mora-Gámez, 2016 : 116). By introducing resilience into the psychosocial intervention, the displaced appear to have a positive potential that overshadows the negative idea of suffering. According to this approach, poverty, injustice and the various

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
‘Case history’ on violence against women, and against women’s rights to health and to reproductive health
Sara De Vido

committed through state laws and policies. The bi-dimensional relationship will be explored using the jurisprudence of regional human rights courts and the activity of international human rights bodies, along with some relevant national judgments and state practice. I will study the decisions following three axes, which correspond to specific questions: 1. Who are the applicants? 2. Has the right to health been applied directly? In which ways was women’s health relevant in the decision? 3. What reparations, if any, have been granted to the person(s) whose rights have

in Violence against women’s health in international law
Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).

The victims' struggle for recognition and recurring genocide memories in Namibia
Vilho Amukwaya Shigwedha

Namibia without proper investigations to determine whether they really belonged to the victims of the Herero and Nama genocide victims. 201 The return of Herero and Nama bones from Germany   201 Since the Namibian government did not specifically indicate interest in the issue regarding reparations for the descendants of the victims, the German government concluded that the ‘lukewarm response’ from the Namibian government on this issue affirms the Namibian and German governments’ agreement not to compensate affected groups and communities.18 For a considerable period

in Human remains in society
Open Access (free)
Postcolonial governance and the policing of family
Author: Joe Turner

Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.

Author: Jacopo Pili

Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

Open Access (free)
Europe’s ‘zero hour’
Kjell M. Torbiörn

among leaders and rulers – paramount among them the foolhardy bellicosity of the German Kaiser Wilhelm II – was all that was needed to provoke war in 1914. It was a European, and worldwide, conflict that was effectively to last for thirty years, albeit with a hiatus from 1919 to 1939. The inter-war period, with its heavy war reparations exacted especially on Germany, was characterised by a retreat from the much more benign climate for trade, investment abroad and freedom of travel that had characterised a pre-World War I era of ‘Victorian capitalism’ and stable

in Destination Europe
Rhiannon Vickers

10/15/03 2:10 PM Page 83 THE LABOUR MINORITY GOVERNMENTS 83 the Government of the day. This one brought greater benefits to the Opposition. MacDonald knew more about foreign affairs than Bonar Law or Baldwin, and spoke on them with greater authority.’12 MacDonald linked the economic conditions at home with the crisis abroad, arguing that ‘the unemployment problem at home could not be resolved until Europe had been pacified and the reparations issue resolved.’13 The 1922 Labour Party manifesto had called for revisions of the Peace Treaties, with German

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1