Since the early 1990s, armed actors have invaded territories in the Chocó and Antioquia
departments of Colombia, inhabited by Afro-Colombians and Indians whose collective rights
in these territories had recently been legally recognised. Based on long-term fieldwork
among the Emberá Katío, this article examines social, cosmological and ritual alterations
and re-organisation around violent death. Following a national policy of post-conflict
reparations, public exhumations and identifications of human remains reveal new local
modes of understanding and administration. In particular, suicide, hitherto completely
unknown to the Emberá, broke out in a multitude of cases, mostly among the youth. Local
discourse attributes this phenomenon to the number of stray corpses resulting from the
violence, who are transformed into murderous spirits which shamans can no longer control.
The analysis focusses on the unprecedented articulation of a renewed eschatology, the
intricate effects of an internal political reorganisation and the simultaneous inroad into
their space of new forms of armed insurrectional violence. Thus the article will shed
light on the emergence of a new transitional moral economy of death among the Emberá.
mention ‘[p]roviding reparations and assistance to victims and restoring
essential services’ only as their final point ( UN Secretary-General, 2016 : 10, Recommendation 13).
It also overlooks the fact that incident accounts have value in themselves for those
providing them. Currently, contributors’ accounts can be excluded for failing
to meet the (externally imposed) threshold, even though it is concern for the lives
of these same healthcare workers and the broader
, capable of overcoming or adapting to the shocks of the neoliberal economic order – or to justify a certain political order. Namely, many forms of reparations and compensations ‘translated into forms of governance and investments that recruit already registered employees into profitable activities and numeric indicators’ ( Mora-Gámez, 2016 : 116).
By introducing resilience into the psychosocial intervention, the displaced appear to have a positive potential that overshadows the negative idea of suffering. According to this approach, poverty, injustice and the various
‘Case history’ on violence against women, and against women’s rights to
health and to reproductive health
Sara De Vido
state laws and policies.
The bi-dimensional relationship will be explored using the jurisprudence of
regional human rights courts and the activity of international human rights bodies,
along with some relevant national judgments and state practice. I will study the
decisions following three axes, which correspond to specific questions:
1. Who are the applicants?
2. Has the right to health been applied directly? In which ways was women’s
health relevant in the decision?
3. What reparations, if any, have been granted to the person(s) whose rights have
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
The victims' struggle for recognition and recurring genocide memories in Namibia
Vilho Amukwaya Shigwedha
Namibia without proper investigations to
determine whether they really belonged to the victims of the Herero
and Nama genocide victims.
The return of Herero and Nama bones from Germany 201
Since the Namibian government did not specifically indicate
interest in the issue regarding reparations for the descendants of
the victims, the German government concluded that the ‘lukewarm
response’ from the Namibian government on this issue affirms the
Namibian and German governments’ agreement not to compensate
affected groups and communities.18 For a considerable period
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.
and rulers – paramount among them the foolhardy bellicosity of the
German Kaiser Wilhelm II – was all that was needed to provoke war in
1914. It was a European, and worldwide, conflict that was effectively to
last for thirty years, albeit with a hiatus from 1919 to 1939.
The inter-war period, with its heavy war reparations exacted especially on Germany, was characterised by a retreat from the much more
benign climate for trade, investment abroad and freedom of travel that
had characterised a pre-World War I era of ‘Victorian capitalism’ and
THE LABOUR MINORITY GOVERNMENTS
the Government of the day. This one brought greater benefits to the
Opposition. MacDonald knew more about foreign affairs than Bonar
Law or Baldwin, and spoke on them with greater authority.’12
MacDonald linked the economic conditions at home with the crisis
abroad, arguing that ‘the unemployment problem at home could not
be resolved until Europe had been pacified and the reparations issue
resolved.’13 The 1922 Labour Party manifesto had called for revisions
of the Peace Treaties, with German