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From Afghanistan to Iraq
Kerry Longhurst

. However, in the light of events between 2001 and 2003 such conclusions appeared to be somewhat premature and the extent of the new security policy consensus exaggerated. Certainly, Schröder’s declared ‘unconditional solidarity’ with the United States in the immediate wake of September 11 2001 and the subsequent deployment of Bundeswehr soldiers to Afghanistan in the context of Operation Enduring Freedom were firm expressions of Germany’s commitment to having a role in international security and accepting the utility of armed force. However, the subsequent transatlantic

in Germany and the use of force
Open Access (free)
Post-crisis Asia – economic recovery, September 11, 2001 and the challenges ahead
Shalendra D. Sharma

The Asian financial crisis 7 Conclusion: post-crisis Asia – economic recovery, September 11, 2001 and the challenges ahead To the extent that Asia is recovering, no one can claim the credit. The amazing thing to me – if you leave Indonesia out – is how similar the performances are, regardless of the policies. Korea took the IMF’s advice and it’s bouncing back. Thailand took the IMF’s advice and it’s starting to come back. Malaysia defied the IMF and did everything the IMF told it not to – it’s coming back fast. Everybody’s contemplating success for their

in The Asian financial crisis
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

.) New life had been blown into the organisation, at least for a time. Secondly, ‘September 11’ caused Russia to move much closer to NATO and the US – culminating in 2002 with its relatively collected acceptance of the US abrogation of the 1972 ABM Treaty; the conclusion the same year of the Treaty of Moscow with the US reducing strategic nuclear missiles; and the creation of a NATO–Russia Council, also in 2002, by which Russia moved much closer to NATO. Russia in return expected help from the US and NATO in countering terrorist attacks and Muslim MUP_Torbion_10_Ch10

in Destination Europe

This substantially updated and revised edition offers a comprehensive overview of the challenges confronting the political system as well as the international politics of the European Union. It draws from a spectrum of regional integration theories to determine what the Union actually is and how it is developing, examining the constitutional politics of the European Union, from the Single European Act to the Treaty of Nice and beyond. The ongoing debate on the future of Europe links together the questions of democracy and legitimacy, competences and rights, and the prospects for European polity-building. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the emerging European polity and the questions that further treaty reform generates for the future of the regional system. The authors also assess the evolving European security architecture; the limits and possibilities of a genuine European foreign, security and defence policy; and the role of the EU in the post-Cold War international system. Common themes involve debates about stability and instability, continuity and change, multipolarity and leadership, co-operation and discord, power capabilities and patterns of behaviour. The book traces the defining features of the ‘new order’ in Europe and incorporates an analysis of the post-September 11th context.

Crisis, reform and recovery

The Asian financial crisis of 1997-98 shook the foundations of the global economy and what began as a localised currency crisis soon engulfed the entire Asian region. This book explores what went wrong and how did the Asian economies long considered 'miracles' respond, among other things. The combined effects of growing unemployment, rising inflation, and the absence of a meaningful social safety-net system, pushed large numbers of displaced workers and their families into poverty. Resolving Thailand's notorious non-performing loans problem will depend on the fortunes of the country's real economy, and on the success of Thai Asset Management Corporation (TAMC). Under International Monetary Fund's (IMF) oversight, the Indonesian government has also taken steps to deal with the massive debt problem. After Indonesian Debt Restructuring Agency's (INDRA) failure, the Indonesian government passed the Company Bankruptcy and Debt Restructuring and/or Rehabilitation Act to facilitate reorganization of illiquid, but financially viable companies. Economic reforms in Korea were started by Kim Dae-Jung. the partial convertibility of the Renminbi (RMB), not being heavy burdened with short-term debt liabilities, and rapid foreign trade explains China's remarkable immunity to the "Asian flu". The proposed sovereign debt restructuring mechanism (SDRM) (modeled on corporate bankruptcy law) would allow countries to seek legal protection from creditors that stand in the way of restructuring, and in exchange debtors would have to negotiate with their creditors in good faith.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Phil Williams

2504Chap4 7/4/03 12:39 pm Page 69 4 Eurasia and the transnational terrorist threats to Atlantic security Phil Williams The terrorist attacks of September 11 on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon were not only the most audacious and successful terrorist attacks the world has yet seen, but also marked the maturation of what had been described as the ‘new terrorism’. It was a maturation in several senses. In the first place it revealed that trends identified by astute specialists such as Walter Laqueur, Bruce Hoffman and Ian Lesser were, in fact, well

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Germany, the use of force and the power of strategic culture
Kerry Longhurst

1990 and has broken its former out-of-area constraints, the use of force is clearly still not regarded as the means for the resolution of all crises and conflicts; neither is it seen as an automatic or natural tool for the pursuit of national interests. This was particularly the case following September 11 2001, when German perspectives on the use of force clashed with new American thinking about pre-emptive military strikes. Bundeswehr deployment is still viewed largely as a last resort and then only in circumstances where military force is unambivalently required

in Germany and the use of force
Open Access (free)
A bounded security role in a greater Europe
Simon Serfaty

227 The EU and Eurasia Politically, the EU lacks a common foreign and security policy, and none is likely to emerge any time soon. Economically, the Union’s attention is elsewhere as it attends to the consequences of its enlargement and other dimensions of a heavy parochial agenda. As a result, outside Russia and Turkey, whatever influence is exerted by the EU in Eurasia results mainly from the interests of individual member-states rather than from the presence of the institutions to which they belong. After the events of September 11 2001, however, and in the

in Limiting institutions?
Kerry Longhurst

more far-reaching reforms emerged, with many of Germany’s allies and partners eager to see a greater commitment to modernise the Bundeswehr as well as increase defence spending. Stimulus for change was then provided by the events of September 11 2001 and the subsequent US-led war on terrorism, which served to finally explode the longstanding assumption that national and alliance territorial defence was central to the Bundeswehr’s mission and rationale. Certainly, the Bundeswehr at the start of the twenty-first century is a very different entity from that of the Cold War

in Germany and the use of force