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kept his eye on. Perhaps this explains his ‘fright’ when he was personally confronted with concerns about a new antisemitism coming not from the right but from the left. He recommended for publication a book by a Marxist philosopher who drew certain conclusions about the conflict in Israel-Palestine that Habermas did not share: notably in his failure to ‘distinguish political evaluation of Palestinian terrorism from the moral justification of it’. 50 Habermas
weight to an argument, whether or not there is an actual relation between what is claimed to be morally right and what is legally right according to the norms of international law. Fourth, humanitarian and human rights law form a complex array of norms, and different parties tend to pick and choose those aspects that favour their interests or convictions. One side may be well disposed to those elements of international law that outlaw terrorism but not those that relate to the
occurrence of isolated societies is less common than is often believed. In a contemporary world context of tensions and conflicts (whether of global inequalities, poverty and increasing ecological calamities, or around violence, war and terrorism), an argument that there is a profusion of webs of social cooperation evident in past societies need not be an indulgence in the innocent pastime of historical curiosity. Instead, it can be a potent argument about a diverse range of social formations and what their connections and conflicts suggest about how to confront the
.html (accessed 16 March 2012). 42 Marcel Berlins, ‘When a slogan equals terrorism’, Guardian , 3 October 2005, www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2005/oct/03/terrorism.immigrationpolicy (accessed 16 March 2012). 43 Styles, The Dress of the People
experience in conflict, urban warfare, and dealing with terrorism. As an American journalist wrote: ‘everybody’s favourite soldier of fortune is an Israeli with military experience’ (Johnson 2010 : n.p.). To illustrate this phenomenon, I will start with an example. A security company owned by an Israeli in the United States (US) was asked to set up security checkpoints in New Orleans after hurricane Katrina
possible unemployment facing border guards was a marginal issue in the EC context. A predominant concern of the member states, various MEPs, and the Commission, while willing to remove obstacles to facilitate flows across the EC, was how to address crime, drug trafficking, terrorism, and immigration in the absence of border controls (European Parliament 1985a : 234; European Parliament 1985b : 247, 249
) surfaced as a pan-European (and more generally Western) problematic. Presented as yet another in a panoply of security measures within the ever-increasing array of counter-terrorism policies, denaturalisation was emerging as the favoured response of European countries (among which France, Britain, and the Netherlands) and the United States (US) against citizens departing their host states to fight, for
networked global terrorism, from emergency management in the onslaught of tsunamis and hurricanes to oil wars in the Middle East’ (Hannam et al. 2006 : 1), a diverse range of concrete and abstract things have become highly global and mobile. While such movement is often considered part and parcel of modernity, it also brings about increased complexity that becomes enmeshed with conceptualisations of threat – ‘it is discourses
Minnesota Press. Stephens, A. C. and N. Vaughan-Williams, eds, 2008. Terrorism and the Politics of Response , Milton Park/New York: Routledge.
: States no longer fear pariah status by openly declaring their intent to regulate and control cyberspace. The convenient rubric of terrorism, child pornography, and cyber security has contributed to a growing expectation that states should enforce order in cyberspace, including policing unwanted content. (Deibert and Rohozinski 2010b : 4