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The restructuring of work in Germany
Louise Amoore

4 Producing flexi-corporatism: the restructuring of work in Germany We support a market economy, not a market society … Modern social democrats want to transform the safety net of entitlements into a springboard to personal responsibility… Part-time work and low-paid work are better than no work… (Tony Blair and Gerhard Schröder, 1999: 1–7) T he positioning of German state-society within the globalisation and restructuring debates is, in itself, highly contested between competing voices and claims. In a neo-liberal reading, evident across international

in Globalisation contested
Norman Flynn

pensions and unemployment compensation: the others have gradually increased retirement ages, reduced the generosity of benefits and tried to reduce the costs of unemployment compensation. European economies are subject to shared competitive pressure, but have responded in different ways. Of the three major economies, Germany has gradually dismantled its consensual corporatism as companies swing towards shareholder returns and away from social responsibility and France has also slowly liberalised. Only the UK has created a liberal labour market and weak regulation

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Modernisation via Europeanisation
Brigid Laffan

were congruent with membership of a highly competitive market regime. Irish efforts to manage ‘Europeanisation’ and internationalisation evolved through a form of neo-corporatism known as ‘social partnership’. This began in 1987 with the Programme for National Recovery (1987–90) and was followed by three subsequent programmes – the Programme for Economic and Social Progress (PESP 1990–93), the Programme for Competitiveness and Work (PCW 1994–96) and Partnership 2000 (1997–2000). The programmes involved agreement between employers, trade unions, farming interests and

in Fifteen into one?
Open Access (free)
An international political economy of work
Author: Louise Amoore

Bringing fresh insights to the contemporary globalization debate, this text reveals the social and political contests that give ‘global’ its meaning, by examining the contested nature of globalization as it is expressed in the restructuring of work. The book rejects conventional explanations of globalization as a process that automatically leads to transformations in working lives, or as a project that is strategically designed to bring about lean and flexible forms of production, and advances an understanding of the social practices that constitute global change. Through case studies that span from the labour flexibility debates in Britain and Germany to the strategies and tactics of corporations and workers, it examines how globalization is interpreted and experienced in everyday life and argues that contestation has become a central feature of the practices that enable or confound global restructuring.

David Coates and Leo Panitch

not alone in turning from the focused analysis of one political party to a more general political sociology of social democracy and the State. By the mid-1970s Leo Panitch had already intervened significantly in the emerging international debate on corporatism (Panitch 1977a, 1980a, 1981), and had made his initial contributions to the new Marxist work on the State (Panitch 1976, 1980b, 1986b, 1986c). After Labour in Power? (Coates 1980), Coates’s own Gramscian turn then produced The Context of British Politics (1984a) and Running the Country (1995 [1990]), both of

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Open Access (free)
Domestic change through European integration
Otmar Höll, Johannes Pollack and Sonja Puntscher-Riekmann

of the Maastricht Treaty. For the first time in the history of the Second Republic, labour representation was not involved from the outset, but only after they had expressed considerable protest against the new procedures. Yet extrapolating from this experience, a more general assumption about the end of Austrian corporatism might turn out to be an exaggeration. The most impressive change in Austrian institutions appears to relate to the party system. Yet, here again a cautionary tale has to be told in that the erosion of the two-party system owing to the growth of

in Fifteen into one?
Class polarisation and neo-liberalism in the Irish Republic
Kieran Allen

help European capitalism become more healthy, vibrant and competitive and prevent its decline into the cosy corporatism that so much of the European left used to espouse’.29 Key instruments for achieving this objective have been the transition to the single European market and the single currency. On one level, these were designed to stimulate the emergence of stronger EU companies that can compete more effectively on a global scale. But the moves to a single market and currency have also been accompanied by a shift to a greater adoption of neo-liberal economics. Far

in The end of Irish history?
Core historical concepts reconsidered
Adrian Zimmermann

unsuccessful attempt at collaborating with the Nazis during the occupation of Belgium in 1940. However, de Man’s drift to the right did not invalidate his earlier convincing attempts to claim the then fashionable notion of ‘corporatism’ for the left. In his pamphlet Corporatisme et Socialisme he pointed to the existence M1738 - CALLAGHAN TEXT.indd 273 3/8/09 12:13:45 274 Resources for rethinking of free trade unions and political equality as the decisive elements distinguishing democratic corporatism, to which the labour movement should aspire, from the authoritarian

in In search of social democracy
Philip Cerny

elaboration see Cerny 2000a) – what Hülsemeyer (2003) characterizes rather grandly as a kind of quasi-corporatism at meso and micro levels. Nevertheless globalization, although fostering this uneven pluralization of politics, does not provide effective systemic outlets, regulated by democratic processes equivalent to those found within nation-states, for those groups’ demands and goals. On the contrary, it creates a world of special interests, domestic and transnational quangos (quasi non-governmental organizations), private regimes and inter- (and intra-) institutional

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Conceptual links to institutional machineries
Kathleen Staudt

‘policy dialogues’ (Bangura, 1997:8–17). Three are relevant, listed from the most to least hegemonic: • Technocracy, especially the neo-liberal economic model, which vests authority in government technocrats and international finance experts who reduce deficits and inflation, open markets, and promote competition and efficiency. • Corporatism, the ‘historic class compromise’ which manages national conflict through bringing organized interests into policy making. • Global sustainable pluralism, inspired by UNDP HDR thinking about development as equitable, gender balanced

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?