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seems to be questions that affect MPs and things and people of the class of politics as it were that seem to get discussed rather than the things that generally affect the working person’ (Grimm and Pilkington, 2015: 216). Thus while Ware (2008: 3) warns against accepting claims that the issue of immigration has been silenced in the past, and it is certainly true that these anxieties are exploited by anti-immigration and far right political parties,3 that sections of the population experience the political realm as silencing some issues cannot be denied. ‘Politics
UK referendum vote to leave the European Union (‘Brexit’) and the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States are each widely understood as involving a ‘populist’ rejection of ‘elites’ and ‘economic globalisation’. It is significant that each has taken place in a country Afterword 305 where neo-liberal public policy has been paramount. However, the rise of authoritarian populist regimes elsewhere (for example, in Turkey and India) and of far-right political parties having increasing political influence (for example, the National Front in France
election, there were outstanding questions concerning the MNR’s ability to benefit electorally from its entrenchment at the local level. The presidential and legislative contests both illustrated the bitter setback of the MNR in challenging Le Pen’s monopoly over far-right politics in France. The share of the extreme-right vote secured by the MNR in the presidential and legislative election represented only 11.9 and 8.9 per cent of the total vote for the far right respectively, as opposed to 36.2 per cent in the June 1999 European election. At the 2002 presidential
, slightly increased his shared of the vote to almost 17 per cent, pushing Lionel Jospin, the Socialist candidate, out of the race altogether. Le Pen’s subsequent defeat in the final vote (gaining only 18 per cent share of the vote) did not remove the impression that fascism had become a major political force in France, giving encouragement to far-right political parties across Europe. This impression was not entirely removed by
problem, existing only in the past (see Goldberg, 2006 ), far away (manifested in the routine dismissal of e.g., racist policing as an ‘American’ problem), or confined to the ‘fringes’ of far-right politics ( Danbolt and Myong, 2018 ). This narrow definition hides the fact that racial hierarchisation and exclusion have been ‘core organizing principles’ in the evolvement of the
, apparently, to sort of create a sense of fear [in the] British population that we have a vast problem with illegal immigration’ (Huff Post Politics, UK, 2013 , n.p.). Images of the vans circulated quickly on social media, along with the hashtag #racistvan, directly connecting the language used with the history of the words ‘go home’ as racist abuse used in the streets and by far-right political groups such as the National Front in the 1970s
far right political parties (Ignazi, 2003: 106). At demonstrations, people applauded and often posed for pictures with the c o-leaders and sometimes a chant of ‘Tommy Robinson’s barmy army’ could be heard (field diary, 29 September 2012). Speeches were passionate but not rabble-rousing and an effort was made to include local speakers, women speakers13 and, increasingly, young speakers rather than focusing on a single, charismatic leader. Some respondents articulated an emotional attachment to Tommy Robinson – ‘I will march into hell for Tommy’ (Declan). However
This section provides, in the style of a dictionary, details of the political careers of significant West European politicians, especially those who have been head of their country’s government or head of state.