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Alison Forrestal

approach to diocesan reform from his successor, Étienne Le Camus. Scarron turned out to be a far more inconsistent administrator and pastor, often preferring the solitude of his library to the discomforts of synods and visitations, and lacking Le Camus’s enviable energy and organisational acumen.11 These recent works raise important questions of methodology and interpretation for any study of the French episcopate. Their dynamic amalgamation of popular religion with episcopal actions has placed bishops rather closer to the centre of religious life. Equally, they have

in Fathers, pastors and kings
The idioms and risks of defiance in the trial of Margaretha Horn, 1652
Alison Rowlands

, many farms and fields had been destroyed or fallen into disrepair and disuse, many village churches had been damaged, formal religious life in the hinterland had all but collapsed, and all citizens and subjects had been squeezed to the point of financial exhaustion for the contributions demanded by the frequently changing resident armies. The scale of damage was reflected in the length of time it took to rectify: in some rural areas sixty years passed before pre-war levels of productivity were again attained.75 Overall this terrible experience may have made the

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany
Open Access (free)
Mirrors of French ideals?
Alison Forrestal

the Council of Trent, but was underpinned by a particularly spiritual point of view. Of course, the preliminary requirement for successful administration was residence. As the hinges on which religious life turned, bishops ought to be at ‘the centre of their diocese’, and therefore able to care for it personally and effectively.101 It was for this reason that Solminihac so strongly urged Bishops Jean de Lingendes of Sarlat and Jean d’Estrades of Périgueux to reside in their dioceses. He failed ultimately in both cases: Lingendes left his diocese after a short

in Fathers, pastors and kings
Open Access (free)
The revolt of democratic Christianity and the rise of public opinion
S.J. Barnett

. That Parlement, in fact, had jurisdiction over a large part of France centred around the capital, and the prospect of deepening royal control over the religious life of the country was viewed by it with great concern. Its members understood only too well the political implications of such a state-inspired religious gag (Unigenitus), as did some of the members of regional parlements: the suppression of religious dissent could be utilized as a disguise for the oppression of those opposed to the monarchy on other issues. In a country in which an Estates General (i.e. a

in The Enlightenment and religion
The Catholic challenge during the Thirty Years’ War
Alison Rowlands

religious life.21 The religious divisions within Gebsattel as a whole were reflected in the religious divisions within the Hörber family, who were all Komburg subjects: Margaretha Hörber had been baptised a Catholic,22 while her stepbrother Michael Hörber and brother-in-law Jobst Unger had either been raised as Lutherans or had converted to Lutheranism by 1626.23 The balance of religious power swung dramatically in Komburg’s favour in the late 1620s, however. With Alexander Schreckenfuchs, a particularly zealous and belligerent Komburg official in post in Gebsattel, and a

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany
Alison Forrestal

and religious life in the church; regulars included themselves in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, either as ordained priests or solely as members of the third division, composed of monastic orders, initiates and catechumens.28 Within this construction, they agreed that the status of the episcopal office was superior to that of priests, religious and laity, as its hierarchical rank presupposed. In Pacifique, bishops were granted a number of traditional titles. They were superintendents and overseers guarding against abuses and heresy;29 masters, doctors, viceroys

in Fathers, pastors and kings
A case study in the construction of a myth
S.J. Barnett

-Restoration context It is accepted amongst historians that it is difficult to comprehend the vicissitudes of early modern English religious life without reference to the Puritans (staunch Calvinists). They campaigned against the hierarchical and Erastian nature of Anglicanism, proposing instead an independent presbyterian non-hierarchical Church polity based upon the biblical example of the simple, pure apostolic Church. Regardless of the fact that one of the main aims of the Puritans was to create an independent Church free from the stains of politics and mundanity, in effect

in The Enlightenment and religion
Simha Goldin

thirteenth century describing the ‘debate’ between the Christian theologians who attacked the Talmud, and R. Yehiel, who defended it.34 This work is attributed to R. Yehiel, but it is not clear whether it was written by him, his son, one of his students, or, as seems most likely, by R. Yosef ha Mekane. It is clear that it was written after the severe crisis described above in which the Jews lost the basis for their religious life and for their self-definition with the burning of the Talmud, which created a need to write a book that would strengthen the Jews so as to

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe