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’ identity. 60 Modern Saudi Arabia came into existence as a result of the Al Saud family’s attempt to establish an Islamic monarchy on the Arabian Peninsula. Two elements constituted the identity of the newly established regime: religion and the loyalty to the royal family. These two basic tenets were identified by King Abdul Aziz (Ibn Saud): ‘Two things are essential to our State and our people … religion and the rights inherited from our fathers.’ 61 As Ahn Nga Longva puts it, a Saudi notion of belonging ‘to a land or
nineteenth century developed under the auspices of the European concert system and justified by the need to maintain international peace and order allocated recognition of (European) states based on rule by a member of a legitimate royal family. Newly independent countries (e.g. Belgium, Bulgaria, Greece and, later, Norway) were enjoined to adopt a princely leader from a European
Egyptian court. In Bahrain, where regional concerns were equally prevalent, the regime’s response framed protestors as fifth columnists doing the nefarious bidding of Iran, resulting in the widespread restriction of political space across the island. In this climate, opposition groups and a number of journalists were imprisoned and in a number of instances, killed. The case of Eman Salehi, a Bahraini sports journalist who was killed by a member of the royal family reveals a great deal about the political climate in Bahrain.9 The Salehi case also evokes memories of
to them as husbands and fathers within ‘the family’. This is not necessarily just any family, as it could be a royal family (in theorists of patriarchal, hereditary monarchy). At the other end of the class spectrum the family arrangements of slaves, household servants, unpropertied workers (on or off the land) are rarely explicitly theorised. Rather traditional political theory most usually characterises a subject or
. Sectarian conflict Violence continued to dominate life in Northern Ireland through the 1970s. This was characterised by rioting, bombings, attacks on security forces, tit-fortat killings and punishment beatings. In 1974 the Prevention of Terrorism Act was passed, giving the security wide powers to stop and search people, property and vehicles, to ban marches and demonstrations and to detain terrorist suspects for extended periods. Political assassination was added to the litany of violence in 1979. Lord Mountbatten, a member of the royal family, was killed by an IRA bomb
, ‘The GCC, Iran and Yemen: An Overview of Relations’, in H. Lackner and D. M. Varisco (eds), Yemen and the Gulf States: The Making of a Crisis (Berlin: Gerlach Press, 2018), pp. 7–28. 11 Gregory Gause argues that the events in Yemen had domestic repercussions in Saudi Arabia as parts of the military and even segments of the royal family openly supported the republicans. The Saudi king was old and shortly after the republican coup in Yemen, control of government affairs was handed over to
-Arab parties have long since been rejected by Riyadh as potential allies, as Saudi Arabia viewed pan-Arab movements as a threat to its own political legitimacy and thus worked to undermine them. Instead, former prime minster Rafic Hariri built a strong relationship with the Saudi royal family over the course of many years, gaining their support for his party’s claim to act on behalf of the Sunni sect in Lebanon since 1990. An endorsement as the ‘legitimate’ political representative of the Kingdom’s interests in Lebanon carries with
’ of the Flemish minority in Walloon, while at the same time misusing their own facilities in Flanders. Belgicists are seen primarily as immoral entrepreneurs, who act solely out of egocentric materialist motives. Its personification is the Belgian royal family, which only supports the Belgian state because its life of luxury depends on it. Even more detested are the pro-Belgian Frenchified Flemings, referred to as franskiljons, who are not only hedonists, but also traitors to the own ethnic community – the most serious crime for nationalists. However, as most of
between the cartoon-like characters of the Swedish and Danish royal families, to stories from a hardened prison world, discussions over the alleged threat of mass immigration, and relatedly, the racialised threat that officers ascribed to the people detained. I’m in the office of detention wing 17 with Mia and Markus, who are among the junior officers. Not much is happening. I usually get restless
-determination later enunciated by Woodrow Wilson in his ‘fourteen points’. The reality of the first Yugoslav state, known as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, was somewhat different. In place of federalism was monarchical centralism and in place of selfdetermination was the rule of law of the Kingdom of Serbia. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was to be ruled by the Serb Royal family, under King Aleksander.112 There is some evidence that Croats welcomed the Yugoslav idea, despite the fact that it constituted a major rupture to the historic statehood narrative. The