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Don Slater

’ with the physicality, or physical properties, of goods and social objects. It then contrasts this physicality with a ‘something else’ – meanings, signs, culture, desires, identities, services, information or knowledge. These are then regarded, firstly, as non-physical (hence having quite different kinds of social properties); secondly, as additive (a later accretion or layering of physical reality); and, finally, as historical (things have become more immaterial, or immaterial things have become more socioeconomically central today). The argument proposed in this

in Market relations and the competitive process
Open Access (free)
Stan Metcalfe and Alan Warde

and state provision and regulation of those activities is normal. In others, selfregulation of the market process is combined with heavy external regulation, as in the case of food and drink provision, privatised utilities and drugs. In yet others, the regulatory hand of the state is lightly applied as in the case of markets for financial, legal and medical services, which are subject to strong professional regulation. Of course, in each of these cases the boundary between internal selfregulation and external regulation by the state is contested and, as Nelson

in Market relations and the competitive process
Mark Harvey

, multiple retailers established an integrated national market for food retailing (Jefferys, 1954). In a second phase, from the early 1970s, but accelerating through the 1980s, the small handful of major retailers established a commanding share, and two, Tesco and Sainsbury, contested for market leadership (Wrigley and Lowe, 1996). As a mark of their power, these two market the highest supermarket ownlabel proportion of goods of any food retailers – in many product ranges well over 50 per cent and in key ranges up to 100 per cent. This is a story of growth as much as of

in Market relations and the competitive process