Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 69 items for :

  • "Non-State actors" x
  • User-accessible content x
Clear All
Risks and opportunities for conflict transformation
Maéva Clément, Anna Geis, and Hanna Pfeifer

Introduction Internal wars are the prevalent contemporary type of violent conflict (Sarkees and Wayman 2010 ). Many violent conflicts involve armed non-state actors (ANSAs) such as insurgents, rebels, guerrillas, warlords, militias, paramilitaries and private security companies. In addition, the so-called ‘global war on terrorism’ indicates that transnational terrorist networks are considered to be one of the major security threats today. Whatever label is used for a certain armed actor by a government, official

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Elana Wilson Rowe

5 Non-​state actors and the quest for authority in Arctic governance The modern state, as discussed in Chapter 1, can be considered a relative newcomer to the cross-​border politics of the Arctic region. However, states have featured prominently in the preceding two chapters. We have come to see how advantageous positions earned by/​granted to states vis-​à-​vis other states matter for shaping the rules of the road in Arctic cooperative governance –​and ultimately shape outcomes. In this chapter, I seek to broaden the net to explore the positions of key non-​state

in Arctic governance
Editor’s Introduction
Michaël Neuman, Fernando Espada, and Róisín Read

, A. ( 2014 ), Humanitarian Negotiations with Armed Non-State Actors: Key Lessons from Afghanistan, Sudan, Somalia , Humanitarian Policy Group, Policy Brief 55 ( London : Overseas Development Institute ). Jackson , A. and Giustozzi , A. ( 2012 ), Talking to the Other Side

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles
Rony Brauman

other civilian assets should be spared. In practice, however, there is only one rule: to pursue victory or various advantages. The means used to achieve that end nevertheless differ from one situation or time period to another. The fundamental point is that for political forces engaged in armed conflict, whether state or non-state actors, the threshold of what is tolerable depends on their interests. More generally, how the power treats the population will depend on how

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Four Decisive Challenges Confronting Humanitarian Innovation
Gerard Finnigan and Otto Farkas

Introduction Despite seventy years of UN programme interventions, the need for global humanitarian assistance has not been greater since the end of the Second World War ( UNHCR, 2016a ). In 2017, more than 201 million people living in 134 countries required humanitarian assistance, with a record 68.5 million people forcibly displaced by violence and conflict ( Development Initiatives, 2018 ; UNHCR, 2017 ). The use of violence and conflict by state and non-state

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local
Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh

’s official response to the cuts and its acute financial crisis, while acknowledging that other international responses, such as bilateral and multilateral discussions between UNRWA and potential donors and various diplomats, have been ongoing throughout this period. Understandably, given UNRWA’s financial circumstances following the announcement of the cuts, the campaign sought to encourage existing and ‘non-traditional’ state and non-state actors to commit funds to ensure that the rights and needs of Palestinian refugees were met. By examining the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
The management of migration between care and control
Pierluigi Musarò

strategies and discursive practices enacted by a wide range of state and non-state actors present the Mediterranean Sea as the setting of a perpetual emergency. European and national political agencies, military authorities, humanitarian organisations, and activists, have been representing migrants crossing borders as a significant problem to be managed in terms of a wider social, cultural and political

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Contested narratives of the independence struggle in postconfl ict Timor-Leste
Henri Myrttinen

of 108,000 people, the majority of them unarmed civilians (CAVR 2005). The complex politics of remembrance has led to competing readings of the nation and the struggle. Whereas others have done an excellent job exploring complexities between national, NGO and personal-level narratives (Harris-Rimmer 2010; Kent 2011; Sakti 2012) I will focus on alternative narratives of the nation and the independence struggle as articulated through the dead by the state, non-state actors and individuals. The three processes I will focus on are the ways in which the nation is

in Governing the dead
Hanna Pfeifer

analyses Hezbollah's recognition claims directed at three different audiences, that is, the Lebanese people, regional actors and publics, and the international community and particularly Western states, and traces Hezbollah's discursive strategy with regard to acts it perceives as mis-recognition. It thereby aims at investigating how hybrid recognition practices may impact armed non-state actors’ (ANSAs’) identity construction and, in the long run, conflict dynamics. By hybrid recognition, I refer to the simultaneous occurrence of

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.