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Public presence, discourse, and migrants as threat
Giannis Gkolfinopoulos

presence that followed almost immediately after the beginning of a hunger strike of undocumented migrants in the Law School of Athens placed the bastion of state forces of security at a site wherein, in this national context, their standing is pronouncedly insecure , given the history of Greek university occupations and a strong political tradition that prohibits police intervention within university

in Security/ Mobility
Sharon Weinblum

). While first depicted as survivors of genocide entitled to claim protection (Anteby-Yemini 2009 ; Willen 2010 ; Paz 2011 ), African asylum seekers 1 soon entered into a language of insecurity and criminality in the Israeli political discourse. The crossing of the Egyptian-Israeli border and the settling of asylum seekers in Israeli cities (in particular Tel Aviv and Eilat) became a matter of concern

in Security/ Mobility
Open Access (free)
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

assuring peace, with his Preliminary Article 5 on non-intervention in his Toward Perpetual Peace (see chapter 5 ). In the course of the long nineteenth century, five positions on the matter can be discerned in international law and international political theory: (1) strict adherence to non-intervention; (2) exceptions limited to instances of threats to national interests; (3) exceptions to include protracted civil wars when a state has collapsed into

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

against the indigenous peoples or for acts of violence by the great powers when conquering neighbouring territories, as in the case of Russia in the Caucasus and central Asia. Such acts were not even acknowledged by the governments in question. As Mowat had put it: ‘Civilized Governments do not openly acknowledge themselves to be bandits or plunderers; they can always put forward a “case” in their favour. This they do … partly because, for political reasons, they do not wish

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

and Armand Carrel, 8 and in the wake of the February 1848 French Revolution by writer Alphonse de Lamartine, as French Foreign Minister (whose stance was then defended in Britain by J. S. Mill). Consequently, if one can speak of a French approach to intervention from 1789 until 1860, it could be summarized it as: (1) non-intervention in a state’s political system; (2) intervention if French interests are at stake; and (3) assistance to liberation

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
Surveillance and transgender bodies in a post-9/ 11 era of neoliberalism
Christine Quinan

often didactic. At times, it comes off as a communist lesson or parable about the importance of working-class organisation, teamwork, and coalitional politics (which is unsurprising given Feinberg’s political work and affiliations). But despite its lacklustre prosaic quality, it is an important text. It highlights a number of timely themes and prompts critical investigations, asking us, for example, to

in Security/ Mobility
Ontological coordination and the assessment of consistency in asylum requests
Bruno Magalhães

). 'Check-list' descriptions of determination practices, I argue, have the political effect of Othering alternative enactments of the case. They steer asylum requests towards denial by making alternative ways of enacting a case hard to see. To support these claims, this chapter shall stitch Mol’s concept of ontological coordination to a series of stories I experienced while conducting documentary research

in Security/ Mobility
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

civilization was judged with reference to religion, technological development, ascribed racial characteristics, economic capacity, political institutions, morality, intellectual competence, and sense of nationhood. 36 Towards the end of the nineteenth century the religious and racial aspects lapsed and emphasis was put on the other ‘minimum standards of civilization’ and in this sense the standard opened the way for the inclusion of Japan and other non-Christian and non

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Just war and against tyranny
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

bellum (when resorting to war is justified and just) but later included jus in bello (appropriate conduct in the use of force). The idea of a just war can be seen as a middle road between the tradition of Realpolitik , which regards moral dilemmas and the ethics of war as irrelevant in international politics, and the alternative world view of pacifism. According to this middle road, war is deplorable but under certain circumstances justified and necessary as a last

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

the publicists supportive of armed humanitarian intervention, forty-eight claimed a right to intervene in exceptional circumstances only and fourteen invoked moral or political reasons. There is also a substantial minority against any such legal or moral right: thirty-eight publicists (that is, 38 per cent of the total) (see table 4.1 ). 21 To make our presentation as lucid as possible, we will divide our material into five periods, from the 1830s until

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century