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The logics underpining EU enlargement
Helene Sjursen and Karen E. Smith

leaders rejected the idea of Turkish membership largely on cultural grounds (Buzan and Diez 1997 : 45). As Buzan and Diez also note (p. 43), fears of large-scale waves of migration from Turkey into the EU (most particularly, into Germany) have also been high on the list of concerns of the effects of Turkish membership. 9 This is particularly contentious because

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Open Access (free)
Amikam Nachmani

active everywhere. And everything is so discernible. As Nulifer Gole put it: “instead of asking for assimilation and equality the Islamists claim differences, much as U.S. Afro-Americans have done … ‘Islam is beautiful like black is beautiful’.” 16 But this might also be misleading, or could be differently interpreted. Most of these believers are migrants from the traditionally religious villages. The construction of transportation and communication networks has eased this migration, which was part of the mighty wave of industrialization and urbanization that has

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
M. Anne Brown

formally inaugurated the raft of measures known as the White Australia policy. This policy, which remained in force until 1967, expressed a key social and political aspiration – an egalitarianism of white male workers from which Aboriginal people were by definition erased. The exclusion of Indigenous people from full legal citizenship and census-taking until overturned by referendum in 1967, after the great influxes of post-war migration, gives some indication of the political realities of this silence and the extent of Aboriginal powerlessness within the Australian

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Raymond Hinnebusch

finance for Soviet arms deliveries (Sela 1998: 145). Not just the shared threat but also a shared resource, the new oil wealth from the price boom unleashed by the oil embargo generated interdependence between the Arab states. The expectation that the new wealth would be shared with the states that had fought and sacrificed for the common Arab cause was partly realised by significant transfers of wealth to the latter, the migration of excess labour to the oil producers and the transfer of remittances home. The ‘Arab Cold War’ was decisively buried as the conservative

in The international politics of the Middle East
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

This section provides, in the style of a dictionary, explanations of significant political events, groupings and developments.

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

- Shift from monoculture to polyculture - Adaptation of crop diversification to (lack of) tenure security - Shift from agriculture to petty trade - Shifts in food consumption patterns - Harvest and consumption of immature crops - Cash for work - Joining of farmers’ associations - Cultivation on shared plots - Migration to urban centres or mining sites - Joining of local militias - Theft of crops Source: Adapted and edited from Vlassenroot (2006: 3. Clarifications on land tenure changes from pp. 6–7) organisations for the protection of peasant interests, but with a

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

traditions of relatively centralized state structures’ (Herbst 2000: 11). These have been the result of migration flows and the influence of the centralising exercises of political rule in the Kongo, Luba-Lunda and the Kunda kingdoms (Muiu and Martin 2009: 104). Wa Muiu and Martin argue that the Kongo kingdom had developed a highly centralised structure around a single currency, a centralised army and the king (Muiu and Martin 2009: 104–5). However, this power was articulated on a mutual assurance of authority between the king and local elites. Protection and tribute

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

(Autesserre 2010; Lemarchand 2003; Reyntjens 2009). Séverine Autesserre (2010) is a primary representative arguing that violence in the Kivus is the consequence of issues of migration, claims of citizenship and belonging and land disputes since the 1930s. The problem with the peacebuilding strategies is that they have been aimed only at national and regional levels, ignoring the local dimensions. Autesserre rightly warns against the depoliticisation of villagers, chiefs and local administrators and seeing them as simple followers manipulated by national or regional elites

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

, as described in Chapter 3. 11 Banyamulengue literally means people from Mulengue, in Swahili. Traditionally, this term has been given in South Kivu to people associated with the wave of migrations from Rwanda and Burundi in the early twentieth century, who settled in the high plateaux of the Minembwe massif in between the territories of Kalehe, Mwenga and Fizi, and who tend to be of a Tutsi background. 12 As seen in Chapter 3 this included the transferring of Belgian and white-owned land to selected Rwandan/Tutsi who were made Congolese nationals after the

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making