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French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II

example, in Syria. As denaturalisation is exposed as a political tool that would allegedly appease a feeling of insecurity, nationality law becomes a salient political area where [citizenship] and security work together to separate those with the right to security from those who are excluded from it – the former by granting and

in Security/ Mobility

laboratory for investigation of the dynamic between gender and security. Because of the protracted conditions of warfare in many Middle Eastern states, gender roles are structured to a great extent by the exigencies of the national security agenda throughout that region, and hence the predominance there of the military in political decision making. States in the Middle East are characterized by unsettled

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Lessons for critical security studies?

significance is not easy. As Thomas Faist ( 2013 ) notes, it is problematic to assume that enhanced mobility is self-evidently positive or equally shared. Indeed, the current global refugee crisis is a tragic reminder of how mobility and immobility are certainly at the core of international politics, in both positive and negative ways. As the ‘flow’ of refugees grows, one can witness the increasing

in Security/ Mobility
Constructing security in historical perspective

T HIS CHAPTER EXAMINES the concept of security through discursive contestation at the leadership level in a critical Middle Eastern case – that of Israel. The approach adopted here can be called historical constructivism in that it traces the fractured construction of security as a phenomenon that changes dramatically, and with significant political implications

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Analysing the example of data territorialisation

industries, politics, and the public. This applies also to national storage requirements such as those in Malaysia, Australia, or South Korea: the position of national providers strengthens as their products have to be considered in order to enable communications, even if they cannot compete in the market. Government authorities In the second part of this analysis, changes to power

in Security/ Mobility
Open Access (free)
Security/ Mobility and politics of movement

about organized crime, global terrorism, undocumented migration and other dangerous mobilities’ (Walters 2006 : 199) that render movement a central political concern. While contemporary liberal politics actively encourages and enables mobility for the sake of our modern lifestyle and the economic benefits that it yields, it also seeks to render the flows of such mobility knowledgeable and controllable

in Security/ Mobility

fashion few other political subjects have achieved in the post-Cold War world. 1 Ironically, it is in the limelight not due to its general acceptance but because of its controversial character, which has led to acrimonious debates. At the two ends of the scale there is, on the one hand, rejection, with the notion seen as nonsensical, an ‘oxymoron’, 2 the hallmark of deceit and, on the other, its acceptance as one of the clearest manifestations of altruism, the epitome of

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Israel and a Palestinian state

of national security is the concept of threat – and the concomitant three questions: what are the kinds of threats faced, what are their sources, and what are their targets? The two general approaches to answering those questions in the discipline of political science, or the subdiscipline of security studies, are those of the realists (or neorealists) and the liberals (or neoliberals). For the

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Open Access (free)

line is that there is always a mix, for, as Rougier had put it, with the nineteenth-century experience in mind, ‘it is practically impossible to separate the humanitarian motives of intervention from the political motives and assure that the intervening parties are absolutely disinterested’. 2 Thus several authors yesterday and today are prepared to regard a case as humanitarian if there is a combination of motives and the humanitarian motives are no sham. 3 A third

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds

T HE UN’S RESPONSE to intra-state conflicts did not take shape in a vacuum. International normative preferences which had an impact on active UN involvement in intra-state conflicts drew their inspiration from and interacted with the international political milieu. No doubt the wider historical context in which the UN had to operate underwent constant change, as did

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change