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Visions of history, visions of Britain
Stephen Howe

Toussaint, Nkrumah or Ahab – was not really very marxist, but it was very ‘English’. 71 So too, it might even be said, was his attitude to monarchy. ‘I have been a republican since I was eight years old. An Englishman, William Makepeace Thackeray, taught it to me. But the British people respect and some even love the Royal Family, and we revolutionists don’t make a fuss about it.’ 72 The

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
How the House of Lords ‘tried’ Queen Caroline
R. A. Melikan

themselves awkwardly placed between the King, who felt that his wife’s outrageous behaviour merited little sympathy, and the likely public preference for a woman cruelly treated by a dissolute husband. In February 1820, the Cabinet acquiesced to the King’s demand that Caroline be excluded from that part of the Anglican liturgy in which prayers are said for the royal family, and denied the honour of 55 R. A. Melikan coronation.13 They strongly advised, however, that he content himself with a re-negotiated separation, which could tie her financial support to her continued

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

’ of the Flemish minority in Walloon, while at the same time misusing their own facilities in Flanders. Belgicists are seen primarily as immoral entrepreneurs, who act solely out of egocentric materialist motives. Its personification is the Belgian royal family, which only supports the Belgian state because its life of luxury depends on it. Even more detested are the pro-Belgian Frenchified Flemings, referred to as franskiljons, who are not only hedonists, but also traitors to the own ethnic community – the most serious crime for nationalists. However, as most of

in The ideology of the extreme right
John J. Hurt

commissioned for this task’ extended its scope to include forced registrations conducted in the other high courts of Paris by members of the royal family and in provincial parlements by governors and intendants. Article iv provided that all laws registered in the presence of the king or at the hands of his representatives should be ‘kept and observed’ from that very day forward. This operative phrase required the parlements to implement at once, and without any further deliberations or decrees, any laws registered under duress, a change that previous monarchs had tried

in Louis XIV and the parlements
Open Access (free)
Omnibus literature and popular culture in nineteenth-century Paris
Masha Belenky

analysis of other vaudeville plays featuring the omnibus, see Chapter 3. 17 Charles Dupeuty, Frédéric De Courcy and Espérance Lassagne, Les omnibus, ou la revue en voiture (Paris: J.-N. Barba, 1828), p. 4. 18 Mud as a symbol of social injustice recalls Balzac’s use of this metaphor in Le père Goriot . The landau was a vehicle known for its luxury and was associated with high aristocracy; its structure, including a convertible roof, made for maximum visibility of its occupants. The landau is still used by the British royal family on ceremonial occasions. 19

in Engine of modernity
Coreen Anne McGuire

, football pools, betting and gambling, birth control and rubber goods, clairvoyants, astrology and palmistry, foreign agricultural produce, offers of employment, private telephone installations, money lenders, illustrations of Royal Family, questionable or controversial books and periodicals, political advertisements, offers of employment, annuity business and patent medicines. They further restricted advertisements for building societies, anti-vivisection, electro-radiant treatment, parcel deliveries and corsets and lingerie. See ‘Restriction to Post Office Advertising

in Measuring difference, numbering normal
Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips, and Shurlee Swain

Government was to unite the Dominions around issues of defence. And so in May 1911 the prime ministers of the Dominions, flanked by their appropriate ministers, set foot in the British capital, all apparently pleased, if not flattered, to be there to receive the applause of the press and the assiduous attentions of the senior ministry and royal family. From the newly united South Africa came its first prime

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
George Campbell Gosling

prestige of the royal family to philanthropic fundraising amongst the middle classes. Meanwhile, the League of Mercy was established a year later in 1898 as an auxiliary of the Fund and intended to raise funds from ‘the poorer classes’ who, Burdett noted, were least likely to make charitable donations but most likely to use the services of the hospitals. 61 Similarly, contributory schemes in Bristol sought to elicit donations from employers as well as employees

in Payment and philanthropy in British healthcare, 1918–48
Open Access (free)
Jes Wienberg

-Roper 1983 ). Another example is ceremonies in the British Royal Family that are intended as evidence of consensus, stability, and community even though – or just because – society is undergoing powerful change; many of these ceremonies were in fact invented in the period between the 1870s and the First World War (Cannadine 1983 ). Since the publication of The Invention of Tradition , the view that not only traditions but also museums and heritage are part of modernity has had a great impact in the cultural and social sciences. Modernity is said to have created

in Heritopia
Brent E. Sasley

example, Douglas Chalmers, 1977 . Although Chalmers was discussing Latin America, his idea of the politicized state can also be applied to the Middle East, where royal families or other groups tied together for various reasons have seized control of the state and held on to power with no intention of giving it up willingly. REFERENCES

in Redefining security in the Middle East