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and Armand Carrel, 8 and in the wake of the February 1848 French Revolution by writer Alphonse de Lamartine, as French Foreign Minister (whose stance was then defended in Britain by J. S. Mill). Consequently, if one can speak of a French approach to intervention from 1789 until 1860, it could be summarized it as: (1) non-intervention in a state’s political system; (2) intervention if French interests are at stake; and (3) assistance to liberation

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
Surveillance and transgender bodies in a post-9/ 11 era of neoliberalism

often didactic. At times, it comes off as a communist lesson or parable about the importance of working-class organisation, teamwork, and coalitional politics (which is unsurprising given Feinberg’s political work and affiliations). But despite its lacklustre prosaic quality, it is an important text. It highlights a number of timely themes and prompts critical investigations, asking us, for example, to

in Security/ Mobility
Ontological coordination and the assessment of consistency in asylum requests

). 'Check-list' descriptions of determination practices, I argue, have the political effect of Othering alternative enactments of the case. They steer asylum requests towards denial by making alternative ways of enacting a case hard to see. To support these claims, this chapter shall stitch Mol’s concept of ontological coordination to a series of stories I experienced while conducting documentary research

in Security/ Mobility
Evolution of the normative basis

security’, and subsequently found its way to the normative basis of intra-state peacekeeping in the early 1960s. Korea was the first and only embodiment of the consensual ‘collective security’ idea in the Cold War period. That the Soviet bloc strongly opposed the American-led UN action, while of significance politically and of explanatory value for subsequent UN inaction in several instances, is normatively

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

escalating crisis, and when the Greek Cypriot side firmly rejected alternative courses of action. 26 Britain had not been keen to see a UN peacekeeping operation in the Congo either. In the face of rapid decolonisation, the British tried to maximise their political dominance in what they perceived to be their sphere of influence. With the situation deteriorating, the British delegation finally requested an

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
The analytical framework

actor in its own right, the UN is a unique entity mirroring (but also influencing) the political and normative processes in the entire international community. This study focuses on the expectations which relevant actors have of the UN in relation to intra-state conflicts as can be discerned by examining peacekeeping environments. 19 The ‘UN’ is used in this study to refer to any

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

civilization was judged with reference to religion, technological development, ascribed racial characteristics, economic capacity, political institutions, morality, intellectual competence, and sense of nationhood. 36 Towards the end of the nineteenth century the religious and racial aspects lapsed and emphasis was put on the other ‘minimum standards of civilization’ and in this sense the standard opened the way for the inclusion of Japan and other non-Christian and non

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Just war and against tyranny

bellum (when resorting to war is justified and just) but later included jus in bello (appropriate conduct in the use of force). The idea of a just war can be seen as a middle road between the tradition of Realpolitik , which regards moral dilemmas and the ethics of war as irrelevant in international politics, and the alternative world view of pacifism. According to this middle road, war is deplorable but under certain circumstances justified and necessary as a last

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

the publicists supportive of armed humanitarian intervention, forty-eight claimed a right to intervene in exceptional circumstances only and fourteen invoked moral or political reasons. There is also a substantial minority against any such legal or moral right: thirty-eight publicists (that is, 38 per cent of the total) (see table 4.1 ). 21 To make our presentation as lucid as possible, we will divide our material into five periods, from the 1830s until

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

April 1892 saw the formation of the Partido revolucionario cubano, by poet and political theorist José Martí, who recruited seasoned soldiers from the previous war, Gómez, Maceo, García and others. On 24 February 1895 the Guerra de independencia was declared. Martí issued the Proclamation of Montecristi (25 March), which stated that the struggle was also for liberation from economic oppression and racial discrimination. Martí together with Gómez arrived in Cuba on 11 April

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century